Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура. Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. Высказывания о любви Адольфа Гитлера. On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. Речь Гитлера в бункере перед генералами. Оригинальные немецкие субтитры без изменений, как говорят в фильме, и дословный перевод субтитров на русский язык.
"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus
Это был приказ! Наступление Штейнера было приказом! Wer sind Sie, dass Sie es wagen, sich meinen Befehlen zu widersetzen? Jeder hat mich belogen, sogar die SS! Армия мне лжет!
The result is not only the end of freedom for the people oppressed by the Jews, but rather also the end of these parasites of the peoples themselves. After the death of the victim, the vampire dies sooner or later. Mein Kampf, 1925, Volume 1, p. Was there any excrement, any shamelessness in any form, above all in cultural life, in which at least one Jew would not have been involved? As soon as one even carefully cut into such an abscess, one found, like maggots in a decaying body, often blinded by the sudden light, a kike. Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf: Quote regarding "The Big Lie" All this was inspired by the principle--which is quite true in itself--that in the big lie there is always a certain force of credibility; because the broad masses of a nation are always more easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature than consciously or voluntarily, and thus in the primitive simplicity of their minds they are more readily fall victims to the big lie than the small lie, since they themselves often tell small lies in little matters but would be ashamed to resort to large-scale falsehoods. It would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort truth so infamously. Even though the facts which prove this to be so may be brought clearly to their minds, they still doubt and waver and will continue to think that there may be some other explanation.
Самое же интересное, это технический, качественный уровень германской армии к концу Первой Мировой войны. Всё это было уничтожено Версальским договором, по которому вооружение либо отдавалась странам-победителям, либо просто уничтожалось. А если бы та Германия сохранила свою армию, а потом бы та армия досталась Гитлеру со-товарищи, которые бы её вывели на самый высший уровень для конца 30-х, то каково было бы с ней воевать? Любителям альтернативной истории: армия Германии без Версальских ограничений Байка о том, что на Гитлера работала вся Европа, в которую некоторые ещё верят наивно, легко разрушается приведением конкретных примеров с цифрами.
Эти люди — повсюду, но нигде они не дома. Речь 10. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Я создал … совершенно новое движение. Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. Лишь в этом случае государство способно полноценно выполнять свои социальные обязательства. Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. Речь 07. Речь 05. В структурах, которым принадлежит реальная власть, под «свободой» подразумевается их возможность грабить широкие массы населения, без каких-либо ограничений, и не встречая хоть сколько-нибудь серьезного сопротивления. Речь 28. Инструменты финансового еврейства. Речь 21. Герой стал презираем, трус — почитаем; добросовестность оказалась наказуема, нерадивость — вознаграждаема. Приличного человека уже не ждало ничего, кроме насмешек; опустившийся же, наоборот, стал образцом для подражания. Сила стала вызывать осуждение, слабость — восхищение.
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg
Миллион Цитат. Гитлера нужно слушать, а не читать, на Гитлера надо смотреть, а не искать логику в его речах. Цитаты гитлера на немецком. Пользователь Микола Довгенький задал вопрос в категории Лингвистика и получил на него 2 ответа. Discover Adolf Hitler famous and rare quotes. Share military quotes by Adolf Hitler and quotations about war and lying. "Tell a lie loud enough and long enough ".
Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
Auch dieses Angebot kann nicht weggeleugnet werden. Aus dem Opfer unserer Soldaten und aus meiner eigenen Verbundenheit mit ihnen bis in den Tod, wird in der deutschen Geschichte so oder so einmal wieder der Samen aufgehen zur strahlenden Wiedergeburt der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung und damit zur Verwirklichung einer wahren Volksgemeinschaft. Ich habe sie gebeten und ihnen endlich befohlen, dies nicht zu tun, sondern am weiteren Kampf der Nation teilzunehmen. Goebbels usw.
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Берлин 1933 год толпа зигует. Третий Рейх тотальная война.
Немцы фашисты. Немецкие нацисты. Адольф Гитлер и нацисты. Нацистская Германия Адольф Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер фашист. Адольф Гитлер Nazi. Немецкий коммунист Эрнст Тельман. Коммунистическая партия Германии Тельмана. КПГ Коммунистическая партия Германии.
Рот фронт Союз красных фронтовиков Тельман. Полицаи 1942. Коллаборационизм в Великой Отечественной войне. Полицай в Великую отечественную войну. Полицаи предатели в годы Великой Отечественной войны. Слова из немецкого языка в русском языке. Русские слова из немецкого языка. Слова Гитлера. Гитлер начал вторую мировую войну.
Высказывания Гитлера о войне. Цитата Гитлера про войну. Заимствования в немецком языке. Заимствованные слова из немецкого языка. Слова из немецкого языка. Генерал-майор Роммель во Франции 1940. Эрвин Роммель в 1940. Эрвин Роммель генерал вермахта. Эрвин Роммель и Гитлер.
Немецкая речь. Текст Гитлера. Речь русских немцев. Быстрая речь на немецком. Вальтер Гесс. Рейхсминистр Рудольф Гесс. Рихард Гессе. Рудольф Гесс первая мировая. Министр пропаганды третьего рейха Геббельс.
Йозеф Геббельс выступает. Геббельс 1944. Пивной путч в Мюнхене 1923 года. Герман Геринг пивной путч. Пивной путч 1923 Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер зигует Германия. Адольф Гитлер 1930. Фото Адольф Гитлер 1930.
Октоберфест 1913. Современные немцы. Октоберфест 2014. Адольф Гитлер и народ. Адольф Гитлер и люди. Адольф Гитлер с женщинами. Адольф Гитлер перед народом. Адольф Гитлер фильм. Контригра сериал Гитлер.
Фильм про Гитлера 1964.
К 1921 году Гитлер стал лидером партии, переименовав ее в Национал-социалистическую немецкую рабочую партию, или НСДАП часто сокращенно называемую нацистской партией. В 1933 году Гитлер был назначен канцлером Германии, и в течение нескольких лет установил авторитарное правление, известное как Третий Райх. Гитлер был известен своей агрессивной внешней политикой и убеждением в расовой превосходственности арийцев.
Цитаты гитлера
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. Высказывания о любви Адольфа Гитлера. Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). Цитаты гитлера на немецком. Adolf Hitler said in a speech: Wenn es dem internationalen Finanzjudentum in und außerhalb Europas gelingen sollte, die Völker noch einmal in einen Weltkrieg zu stürzen, dann wird das Ergebnis nicht der Sieg des Judentums sein, sondern die Vernichtung der jüdischen Rasse in Europa! If international.
Adolf Hitler Speeches
Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”. Я хотел бы найти все речи Гитлера в оригинале на немецком языке, но чем больше я смотрю, тем меньше нахожу. Конечно, кое-где есть несколько его выступлений, но полного текста его речей на немецком нигде не найти.
Adolf Hitler Quotes
Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”. Я хотел бы найти все речи Гитлера в оригинале на немецком языке, но чем больше я смотрю, тем меньше нахожу. Конечно, кое-где есть несколько его выступлений, но полного текста его речей на немецком нигде не найти. The speeches, letters, and proclamations of Adolph Hitler. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком текст. Содержание выступления Гитлера перед военачальниками передал в Москву немецкий коммунист и агент Коминтерна Лео Рот.
Речь немцев
Not only that, but even many among our bitterest enemies, some of whom had occupied the highest positions in the government, were allowed to enjoy their regular emoluments and pensions. That is what we did. But this policy did not always help our reputation abroad. If the revolution in Germany had taken place according to the democratic model in Spain these strange apostles of non-intervention abroad would probably find that there was nothing which they need to worry about. People closely acquainted with the state of affairs in Spain have assured us that if we place the number of persons who have been slaughtered in this bestial way at 170. Measured by the achievements of the noble democratic revolutionaries in Spain, the quota of human beings allotted for slaughter to the National Socialist Revolution would have been about 400. That we did not carry out this mass-slaughter is apparently looked on as a piece of negligence on our part. We see that the democratic world-citizens are by no means gracious in their criticism of this leniency. We certainly had the power in our hands to do what has been done in Spain. And probably we had better nerves than the murderer who steals upon his victim unawares, shunning the open fight, and who is capable only of murdering defenseless [sic] hostages. We have been soldiers and we never flinched in the face of battle throughout that most gruesome war of all times.
Our hearts and, I may also add, our sound common sense saved us from committing any acts like those which have been done in Spain. Taking it all in all, fewer lives were sacrificed in the National Socialist Revolution than the number of National Socialist followers who were murdered in Germany by our Bolshevik opponents in the year 1932 alone, when there was no revolution. This absence of bloodshed and destruction was made possible solely because we had adopted a principle which not only guided our conduct in the past but which we shall also never forget in the future. This principle was that the purpose of a revolution, or of any general change in the condition of public affairs, cannot be to produce chaos but only to replace what is bad by substituting something better. In such cases, however, something better must be ready at hand. On the 30th. All the means employed in carrying on that struggle were strictly within the law as it then stood and the protagonists in the fight were the National Socialists. Before the new State could be actually established and promulgated, the idea of it and the model for its organization had already existed within the framework of our party. All the fundamental principles on which the new Reich was to be constructed were the principles and ideas already embodied in the National Socialist Party. As a result of the constitutional struggle to win over our German fellow-countrymen to our side the party had established its predominance in the Reichstag and for a whole year before it actually assumed power it already had the right to demand this power for itself, even according to the principles of the parliamentary-democratic system.
But it was essential for the National Socialist Revolution that this party should put forward demands which of themselves would involve a real revolutionary change in the principles and institutions of government hitherto in force. When certain individuals who were blind to the actual state of affairs thought that they could refuse to submit to the practical application of the principles of the movement which had been entrusted with the government of the Reich, then, but not until then, the party used an iron hand to make these illegal disturbers of the peace bend their stubborn necks before the laws of the new National Socialist Reich and Government. With this act the National Socialist Revolution came to an end. For as soon as the party had taken over power, and this new condition of affairs was consolidated, I looked upon it as a matter of course that the Revolution should be transformed into an evolution. The new development which now set in, however, meant that there had to be a new orientation not merely of our ideas but also in regard to the practical policy which we had to carry out. Even today certain individuals who have fallen in the march of events refuse to adapt themselves to this change. They cannot understand it because it is beyond their mental horizon or outside the sphere of their egotistic interests. Our National Socialist teaching has undoubtedly a revolutionizing effect in many spheres of life and has interfered and acted under the revolutionary impulse. The main plank in the National Socialist program is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood. A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous consequences.
This is probably the first time and this is the first country in which people are being taught to realize that, of all the tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity of the blood which God has given it. And thus it happens that for the first time it is now possible for men to use their God-given faculties of perception and insight in the understanding of those problems which are of more momentous importance for the preservation of human existence than all the victories that may be won on the battlefield or the successes that may be obtained through economic efforts. It is not for men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard its work of creation. Unspeakable suffering and misery have come upon mankind because they lost this instinct which was grounded in a profound intuition; and this loss was caused by a wrong and lopsided education of the intellect. Among our people there are millions and millions of persons living today for whom this law has become clear and intelligible. What individual seers and the still unspoiled natures of our forefathers saw by direct perception has now become a subject of scientific research in Germany. And I can prophesy here that, just as the knowledge that the earth moves around the sun led to a revolutionary alternation in the general world-picture, so the blood-and-race doctrine of the National Socialist Movement will bring about a revolutionary change in our knowledge and therewith a radical reconstruction of the picture which human history gives us of the past and will also change the course of that history in the future. And this will not lead to an estrangement between the nations; but, on the contrary, it will bring about for the first time a real understanding of one another. At the same time, however, it will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under the mask of honest world-citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations. We feel convinced that the consequences of this really revolutionizing vision of truth will bring about a radical transformation in German life.
For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling attraction of this inner feeling. Innumerable prejudices have been broken down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical, religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle. For the past four-and-a-half years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea. Just as on January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated and promulgated by the party. When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest moments to be remembered during our lives. Like a blast of springtime it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new Reich. Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German history were removed and cleared away. May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never before had?
So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships; but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical transformation has taken place and has produced results which are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy has any meaning at all. With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general. By this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership of the nation. In making this selection no consideration will be given to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions of leadership. In this country that principle will have its political counterpart. Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid. And that is no theory. In the present National Socialist Germany it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course. I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have been called to be their leader, come from the people.
All the millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks. And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and not the interests of one class or another. The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class which will have no rights in the future. Its aim has been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied such rights. We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them to the level of enslaved workers. Our aim has been to educate slaves to be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German; and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration. If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before them.
From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow and condemned to enforced lab our there. He will then yearn for hisday of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now thinks that his turn has come to play the despot. Therefore the National Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility by organizing the various classes into one national unit. The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life. And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any predominant position in our national economic system. In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood, and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making the idea of this community understood among the public, lies the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution. Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour.
That is why the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks, without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost. They were superseded by a better ideal. A new movement took their place. A reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations of employers and employees. The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, not—as in 1918 or 1919—through a resolution voted by a committee appointed to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend on the results of a prize competition. Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his national resurgence on land and sea and in the air. There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the German people have understood the significance of this change and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again to the democratic form of government as the institution which is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name of the people than I have. Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I may enumerate the following: — 1 Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself. Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements.
But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect. This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide. The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down. But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better.
It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice. There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant. This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear. Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state.
In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property. The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks. In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race. Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people. The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole.
As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed. The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population. I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success. The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed. After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking. I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome.
In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once.
They are testified to by deeds. The misery of the Sudeten Germans is without end. They want to annihilate them. They are being oppressed in an inhuman and intolerable manner and treated in an undignified way.
When 3,500,000 who belong to a people of almost 80,000,000 are not allowed to sing any song that the Czechs do not like because it does not please the Czechs or are brutally struck for wearing white stockings because the Czechs do not like it, and do not want to see them, and are terrorized or maltreated because they greet with a form of salutation that is not agreeable to them, although they are greeting not Czechs but one another, and when they are pursued like wild beasts for every expression of their national life. This may be a matter of indifference to several representatives of our democracies or they may possibly even be sympathetic because it concerns only 3,500,000 Germans. I can only say to representatives of the democracies that this is not a matter of indifference to us. And I say that if these tortured creatures cannot obtain rights and assistance by themselves, they can obtain both from us. An end must be made of depriving these people of their rights. I have already said this quite clearly in my speech of February 22. It was a short-sighted piece of work when the statesmen at Versailles brought the abnormal structure of Czechoslovakia into being. It was possible to violate the demands of millions of another nationality only so long as the brother nation itself was suffering from the consequences of general maltreatment by the world. To believe that such a regime could go on sinning without hindrance forever was possible only through a scarcely credible degree of blindness.
I declared in my speech of February 22 before the Reichstag that the Reich would not tolerate any further continued oppression of 3,500,000 Germans, and I hope that the foreign statesmen will be convinced that these were no mere words. The National Socialist State has consented to very great sacrifices indeed, very great national sacrifices for the sake of European peace; not only has it not cherished so-called thoughts of revenge, but on the contrary it has banished them from all its public and private life. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. For twenty years there was the opportunity for the Czechoslovak government of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected by the Czechs - proposals of giving the Sudeten German minority a humane treatment and the respect they deserve. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria. It was all in vain.
I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this. For six months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves. An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events.
Да поможет мне Бог! Hilf mir Gott! Сильная, но нежная. Stark, aber zart. Любовь победит всё. Liebe besiegt alles. Хочу надолго и по-настоящему. Доверяй только себе.
Vertraue nur an sich selbst. Прощать не сложно, сложно заново поверить. Verzeihen ist nicht schwierig, schwierig ist es aufs Neue zu glauben. Надейся на лучшее. Hoffe dich auf das Beste. Будь готова к худшему. Sei auf das Schlimmste fertig. Жизнь - игра.
Das Leben ist ein Spiel. Делаем вид, что все хорошо, а внутри страшная боль. Wir tun, es sei alles gut, drinnen ist aber ein schrecklicher Schmerz. Мы ничего не можем предугадать. Дай мне силы. Удача всегда со мной. Поступки сильнее слов. Мама и Папа, я люблю вас.
Mutter und Vater, ich liebe euch. Боже сохрани меня! Bewahre mich Got! Только потеряв - мы начинаем ценить. Одна любовь, одна судьба! Eine Liebe, ein Schicksal! Как жаль, что некоторые моменты никогда больше не повторятся. Wie schade, dass einige Momente des Lebens sich nie mehr wiederholen.
Чем сильнее что-то любишь, тем сложнее это терять. Иногда не хватает лишь капельки смелости, которая может изменить всю жизнь. Каждый человек имеет право на ошибку. Но не всякая ошибка имеет право на прощение. Jeder Mensch hat sein Recht auf einen Fehler. Nicht jeder Fehler hat ein Recht auf Verzeihung. Цените своих близких, пока они рядом. Идеальных людей не бывает, цените тех, кто смог полюбить ваши недостатки.
Не судите чужого прошлого — вы не знаете своего будущего. Gott mit uns. С нами Бог. Jedem das Seine. Каждому свое. Тот, кто много знает, стремиться к ясности; тот, кто хочет показать, что много знает, стремиться во тьму. Перевод — более опасный враг правды, чем ложь. Меня потрясло не то, что ты меня обманываешь, а то, что я тебе больше не верю.
Тот, у кого нет двух третей времени на себя, — раб. Тот, укого есть «Зачем» жить, вынесет любое «Как». То, что делается из любви, всегда находится по ту сторону добра и зла. Friedrich Nietzsche Фридрих Ницше Dem wird befohlen, der sich nicht selber gehorchen kann. Приказываюттому, кто сам себе не умеет повиноваться. Надежда — это радуга над падающим вниз ручейком жизни. Без музыки жизнь была бы глупостью. Иметь фантазию — не значит что-то выдумывать; это значит, делать что-то новое из вещей.
Religion ist Ehrfurcht - die Ehrfurcht zuerst vor dem Geheimnis, das der Mensch ist. Религия — это благоговение — в первую очередь перед тайной, которую представляет собой человек. Если ты простил человеку все, значит с ним покончено. В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в смысле и ценности жизни, он болен. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны. Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум.
Нужно думать, как единицы, и говорить, как большинство. Постоянны только изменения. Die Feinde sind es.
Через полчаса наблюдатели в деревушке Чаттон сообщили о тяжелом истребителе Мессершмитт Bf. Еще через час крестьянин Дэвид Маклин обнаружил на своей ферме Флорс человека, пытающегося освободиться от парашюта. Говорящий оказался немцем, представился как Альфред Хорн и заявил, что у него есть важное сообщение для герцога Дугласа Гамильтона, командира авиакрыла британских ВВС, расположенного под Эдинбургом. Вскоре задержанный оказался под арестом в казармах Мэрихилл в Глазго. Гамильтон прибыл к казармам на следующее утро и согласился поговорить с заключенным наедине. Его удивлению не было предела: немецкий летчик оказался самим Рудольфом Гессом, прибывшим с дипломатической миссией. Заместитель фюрера предлагал заключить мир: немцы и англичане родственные арийские народы, а в войне между ними гибнет лучший человеческий материал. Единственным бенефициаром этого выступают большевики, против которых необходимо объединить усилия. Гесс рассказал о планах войны против СССР и предлагал сделку: полная свобода действий для Германии в Европе в обмен на сохранение Великобританией колоний. Вдобавок, Лондону были глубоко безразличны теории об арийской расе, Гиперборее и прочие идеи Общества Туле. Нацисты на тот момент воспринимались как абсолютное зло, дикое агрессивное животное, нарушающее любые договоры и стремящееся к мировому господству силовым путем. Германия виделась британцам не потерянным братом по расе, а злобным врагом, который только что попытался склонить их к капитуляции путем ковровых бомбардировок Лондона с целью убить как можно больше мирных жителей. Поэтому Гесса не удостоили аудиенции у руководства Великобритании.
Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад
Его сочли вражеским военнопленным, вдобавок, психом, — он привез с собой целый мешок с 28 лекарственными препаратами и набором гомеопатических средств, а также регулярно жаловался, что охранники пытаются его отравить. Версию о психическом расстройстве поддержало и руководство Германии, объявив, что заместитель фюрера сошел с ума и, страдая от галлюцинаций, улетел в неизвестном направлении. Позиция была странной: получается, подписывают указы и руководят страной невменяемые люди. Среди историков нет консенсуса о том, действительно ли Гесс спланировал свою миссию без согласия фюрера, страдая от психических проблем и переживая удаление от реальной политики. Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал , как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге: «В холле я увидел двух адъютантов Гесса — Лейтгена и Пича с бледными лицами. Они попросили меня пропустить их вперед, потому что они должны передать Гитлеру личное письмо Гесса. Как раз в этот момент из своих верхних помещений вышел Гитлер. Одного из адъютантов пригласили наверх.
Пока я еще раз пролистывал свои эскизы, я вдруг услышал слитный, нечленораздельный, почти животный вопль. Затем раздался рык: «Немедленно Бормана! Где Борман? На то были причины: слухи о сепаратных переговорах с Британией подрывали союз с Италией и боевой дух немцев. Кроме того, Гитлер справедливо полагал, что англичане предупредят СССР о нападении, запланированном на июнь 1941 года.
Der Angriff Steiner war ein Befehl! Это был приказ! Наступление Штейнера было приказом!
Wer sind Sie, dass Sie es wagen, sich meinen Befehlen zu widersetzen? Jeder hat mich belogen, sogar die SS!
Геббельс 1943. Геббельс 1943 тотальная война. Goebbels Speech 1943. Фразы Гитлера на немецком. Немецкие слова в русском языке.
Неменцкие слова га руском. Слова пришедшие в русский с немецкого. Слова пришедшие из немецкого языка. Выступление перед нацистами. Выступление перед немцами. Аншлюс фокус. Памятка немецкого солдата.
Памятка немецкого солдата 1941. Памятка советскому солдату в Германии. Памятка солдата вермахта. Немецкие газеты 1941 года. Нацистские газеты на русском. Немецкие фразы второй мировой. Немецкие фразы во время войны.
Памятка советского солдата ВОВ. Фразы немцев во вторую мировую. Адольф Гитлер оратор. Адольф Гитлер на трибуне. Адольф Гитлер выступление перед народом. Адольф Гитлер выступает на трибуне. Рейхстаг 1941 Гитлер.
Адольф Гитлер Speech. Берлин в 1941 Гитлер. Трибуны Рейхстага Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер югенд. Альфред Чех Гитлерюгенд. Гитлер юнген СС. Гитлер награждает Гитлерюгенд 1945.
Адольф Гитлер в Рейхстаге. Адольф Гитлер зигует в Рейхстаге. Йозеф Геббельс толпа. Берлин 1933 год толпа зигует. Третий Рейх тотальная война. Немцы фашисты. Немецкие нацисты.
Адольф Гитлер и нацисты. Нацистская Германия Адольф Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер фашист. Адольф Гитлер Nazi. Немецкий коммунист Эрнст Тельман. Коммунистическая партия Германии Тельмана. КПГ Коммунистическая партия Германии.
Рот фронт Союз красных фронтовиков Тельман. Полицаи 1942. Коллаборационизм в Великой Отечественной войне. Полицай в Великую отечественную войну. Полицаи предатели в годы Великой Отечественной войны. Слова из немецкого языка в русском языке. Русские слова из немецкого языка.
Слова Гитлера. Гитлер начал вторую мировую войну. Высказывания Гитлера о войне.
Речь о тотальной войне Речь Геббельса во Дворце спорта, нем. Sportpalastrede — речь рейхсминистра народного просвещения и пропаганды нацистской Германии Йозефа Геббельса перед многотысячной аудиторией в Берлинском дворце спорта 18 февраля 1943 года. Речь считается одним из самых известных выступлений Геббельса и одним из самых известных и знаковых публичных выступлений политических деятелей того периода во время Второй мировой войны. К моменту выступления Геббельса немецкая армия и её союзники потерпели ряд тяжёлых поражений на фронтах войны: была окружена и разгромлена крупная группировка вермахта под Сталинградом , в Африке велись тяжёлые бои с наступающими армиями сил антигитлеровской коалиции.