Eugene Debs was a union leader, a Socialist, and a presidential candidate who ran for office from behind bars. Their leader Eugene Debs, who actually ran for President more often than Joe Biden, summed up his view of the world in saying. Стрелял профсоюзный лидер Юджин Дебс, чтобы отметить Четвёртое июля: то был не побег из тюрьмы, то было требованием иной свободы. История злоключений Юджина Дебса, или как американское правительство боролось с «пятой колонной» в годы Первой мировой войны.
Юджин В. Дебс — рыцарь борьбы за свободу
I could have been in Congress long ago. I have preferred to go to prison. I am thinking of the women who for a paltry wage are compelled to work out their barren lives; of the little children who in this system are robbed of their childhood and in their tender years are seized in the remorseless grasp of Mammon and forced into the industrial dungeons, there to feed the monster machines while they themselves are being starved and stunted, body and soul. I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood. In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men. In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: it cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity. I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all. This order of things cannot always endure. I have registered my protest against it. I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone. There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth.
There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause. They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order. They are waiting, watching, and working hopefully through all the hours of the day and the night. They are still in a minority. But they have learned how to be patient and to bide their time. The feel—they know, indeed—that the time is coming, in spite of all opposition, all persecution, when this emancipating gospel will spread among all the peoples, and when this minority will become the triumphant majority and, sweeping into power, inaugurate the greatest social and economic change in history. In that day we shall have the universal commonwealth—the harmonious cooperation of every nation with every other nation on earth. I realize that finally the right must prevail. I never so clearly comprehended as now the great struggle between the powers of greed and exploitation on the one hand and upon the other the rising hosts of industrial freedom and social justice.
I can see the dawn of the better day for humanity. The people are awakening. In due time they will and must come to their own. When the mariner, sailing over tropic seas, looks for relief from his weary watch, he turns his eyes toward the southern cross, burning luridly above the tempest-vexed ocean. As the midnight approaches, the southern cross begins to bend, the whirling worlds change their places, and with starry finger-points the Almighty marks the passage of time upon the dial of the universe, and though no bell may beat the glad tidings, the lookout knows that the midnight is passing and that relief and rest are close at hand. Let the people everywhere take heart of hope, for the cross is bending, the midnight is passing, and joy cometh with the morning. His citizenship was not restored until five decades after his 1926 death.
Он был обвинён по 10 пунктам в деятельности, направленной на свержение правительства и законного порядка. Хотя Юджин указывал на свободу слова, гарантированную Первой поправкой к Конституции США, Верховный суд приговорил его к 10 годам заключения и лишению гражданства.
Exiled to Europe after the Revolt of 1905 led to his party being banned, he lived in Switzerland where he met Vladimir Lenin, a Communist leader from Russia. Lenin influenced Debs tremendously, changing his position farther to the far left. He returned to America after Germany smuggled him via submarine to Mexico to incite America into revolution.
Up to 30 workers were killed during the strike, thousands were blacklisted , and Debs was imprisoned for six months along with other ARU officers. Going to jail Wikipedia Commons Eugene V. Debs and other officers of the ARU were convicted of violating the federal injunction and the U. Supreme Court upheld the convictions. According to the New Yorker , Debs was sentenced to six months while the others were sentenced to three. While Debs was imprisoned in the jail in Woodstock, Illinois he began learning more about socialism from pamphlets and books that socialists sent him in the mail. In his piece " How I Became a Socialist ," Debs writes that he "began to read and think and dissect the anatomy of the system in which workingmen, however organized, could be shattered and battered and splintered at a single stroke. Berger, who brought him a copy of "Das Kapital" by Karl Marx. But Debs would later write that it was "defeated but not conquered —overwhelmed but not destroyed. Debs was released from jail, he was met by a crowd of over 100,000 people, and that he spoke to them about using their vote to overturn the capitalistic government. With this in mind, Debs stepped back into the political fray. Although Debs endorsed William Jennings Bryan during the race against William McKinley, after seeing how businessmen used their money to get McKinley elected, Debs "abandon[ed] his devotion to the two-party system. But by their second convention, the organization dissolved and became instead the Social Democratic Party of America. Kansas Heritage writes that Debs became the treasurer of the newly founded party, and in 1900, accepted its nomination to run for president of the United States. However, despite an "enthusiastic campaign," Debs only got 0. In " Eugene V. Debs: an American paradox ," J. Because Debs repeatedly ideas that some considered radical at the time, many of the policies ended up being adopted by both the Democratic and Republican parties while Debs was still alive. Although Debs never succeeded in getting any electoral votes, the New Yorker reports that in 1912, Debs received almost 1 million votes. Although Debs would never end up becoming president, due to his efforts with the Socialist Party of America, the party held "over 1,000 elective offices in 33 states and 160 cities" according to Kansas Heritage. In 1916, Debs changed his aim and decided to run for Congress in Indiana instead, advocating for American neutrality in World War I as part of his campaign. This led the United States to pass the 1917 Espionage Act, which created "criminal penalties for anyone obstructing enlistment in the armed forces," according to MTSU.
ДЕБС ЮДЖИН
The claim is sometimes made that Eugene Debs promised to pardon himself if elected President in 1920. ДЕБС (Debs) Юджин (5.11.1855, Терре-Хот, штат Индиана – 20.10.1926, Элмхерст, штат Иллинойс), амер. политич. деятель. Из бедной семьи франц. эмигрантов. Trade unionist Eugene V. Debs was a major organizer of the American Railway Union and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Офлейнер Тиа Чжун «JT-» Вэн решил подколоть саппорта OG Себастьяна «Ceb» Дебса перед очной встречей на ESL One Birmingham 2024 по Dota 2. Он предложил французу.
Eugene V. Debs' early life
- An Ominous Trend
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Eugene Debs, the Espionage Act, and the Election of 1920
Over a hundred thousand workers staged what became the biggest strike in U. The response was swift and brutal. They were arrested, denied bail and sent to jail for six months. The strike was broken. Thirty workers had been killed.
Sixty had been injured. Over 700 had been arrested. The Pullman Co. Any advances made by an organized working class would be reversed once the capitalists regained absolute power, often by temporarily mollifying workers with a few reforms.
Debs feared the rise of the monolithic corporate state. Walter Rauschenbusch, a Christian theologian, Baptist minister and leader of the Social Gospel movement , thundered against capitalism. He equated the crucified Christ with the abolitionist John Brown. That wrong is also done to us, And they are slaves most base, Whose love of right is for themselves And not for all the race.
It was also a period beset with violence, including anarchist bombings and assassinations. An anarchist killed President William McKinley in 1901, unleashing a wave of state repression against social and radical movements. Striking workers engaged in periodic gun battles, especially in the coalfields of southern West Virginia, with heavily armed company goons, National Guard units, paramilitary groups such as the Coal and Iron Police , and the U. Debs, although a sworn enemy of the capitalist elites, was adamantly opposed to violence and sabotage, arguing that these actions allowed the state to demonize the socialist movement and enabled the destructive efforts of agents provocateurs.
The conflict with the capitalist class, Debs argued, was at its core about competing values. They would always seek to use the law as an instrument of oppression and increase profits through machines, a reduction in wages, a denial of benefits and union busting. They would sacrifice anyone and anything—including democracy and the natural world—to achieve their goals. He knew that corporate power is countered only through organized and collective resistance by workers forced to fight a bitter class war.
Debs turned to politics when he was released from jail in 1895. Debs was a powerful orator and drew huge crowds across the country. In his speeches and writings he demanded an end to child labor and denounced Jim Crow and lynching. As a presidential campaigner he traveled from New York to California on a train, called the Red Special, speaking to tens of thousands.
He helped elect socialist mayors in some 70 cities, including Milwaukee, as well as numerous legislators and city council members. He propelled two socialists into Congress. In the elections of 1912 he received nearly a million votes, 6 percent of the electorate.
By 1880, Debs was made editor-in-chief. That year, he was also made national secretary-treasurer of the union. Finding Dulcinea reports that Debs also dipped his toes into public politics. In 1879, starting out as a Democrat, Debs was elected city clerk in Terre Haute, where he served two terms, and in 1885, he was elected to the Indiana state legislature. However, after serving one term on the state legislature, Debs realized that there was little he could do from his position to improve the lives of railroad workers. After being involved in the Burlington Railroad Strike of 1888, where workers were defeated , Debs started to envision a more unified front for railroad workers. But in response to the " limited craft organization of the Brotherhood ," where brotherhoods were separated based on the work that was being done, such as fireman or switchmen, Debs left the organization and founded the American Railway Union ARU in Chicago in 1893, according to the Debs Foundation. Debs believed that this organization would allow all railroad workers to be united, making it more difficult for railway owners to break strikes by simply hiring replacement workers. According to the New Yorker , Debs initially tried to get the Brotherhood to expand to an industrial union, but Samuel Gompers, labor union leader of the American Federation of Labor, wanted the men to join his union instead, which was "far less radical. The Illinois Labor History Society writes that workers were joining the American Railway Union at a rate of almost 2,000 new members per day and before long, the American Railway Union had almost 150,000 members. Aafter hearing Jennie Curtis , a leader of the seamstress workers for the Pullman car shops, give a rousing speech, the ARU voted to support the Pullman workers in their strike and decided to refuse to work "any trains that included Pullman cars," according to Illinois Labor History Society. With the ARU behind them, the Pullman Strike was able to bring train traffic in several states to a standstill for over three months. According to ThoughtCo , by July, the strike spread across the nation and "almost all train traffic to states west of Detroit had been stopped because of the boycott. After workers ignored the injunction, the U. Army was sent in and broke the strike. Up to 30 workers were killed during the strike, thousands were blacklisted , and Debs was imprisoned for six months along with other ARU officers. Going to jail Wikipedia Commons Eugene V. Debs and other officers of the ARU were convicted of violating the federal injunction and the U. Supreme Court upheld the convictions. According to the New Yorker , Debs was sentenced to six months while the others were sentenced to three. While Debs was imprisoned in the jail in Woodstock, Illinois he began learning more about socialism from pamphlets and books that socialists sent him in the mail. In his piece " How I Became a Socialist ," Debs writes that he "began to read and think and dissect the anatomy of the system in which workingmen, however organized, could be shattered and battered and splintered at a single stroke.
Goddard is also co-author of You Won - Now What? Scribner, 1998 , a political management book hailed by prominent journalists and politicians from both parties. Goddard earned degrees from Vassar College and Harvard University. He lives in New York with his wife and three sons.
On April 6, 1917, the United States officially declared war against Germany. Debs knew the risks he was taking with his anti-war crusade, but he continued throughout the Midwest, culminating in a speech at a Socialist Party gathering in Canton, Ohio, on June 16, 1918. For two hours, the impassioned orator made his case, criticizing everything from the war to the Sedition Act to the military draft. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and all to lose—especially their lives. The jury found him guilty on three counts of violating the Espionage and Sedition acts. On September 18, 1918, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison. While he was accustomed to campaigning by train and speaking in front of thousands, in Atlanta Federal Penitentiary, Debs was allowed [ PDF ] to give one political statement every week, which was then handed over to news wires. Amazingly, Debs still captured 3. Harding or his opponent, James M. Indeed, Debs had left prison almost as a mythic figure to his followers—50,000 of whom lined up to watch his train pull in upon his return to Terra Haute.
An Ominous Trend
And you did not deliver the deliverables. The rest is playground he said she said nonsense and distraction. I see you, and I would not want to be you!!!! Anyone who has lived in the real world knows why this can never work. Try living on a kolhoz collective farm.
Try working in different conditions and incentives. The labor theory of value is patent nonsense. Orwell exposed it despite his socialism. And I bet you never read Solzhenitsyn.
I wrote every published public thing he ever wrote. So keep on talking!! Robert K Stock on said: Nothing fails as badly as prayer. If I deny that Unicorns exist and you say they do, then it is up to you to provide proof.
It the same with the existence of a God. The burden of proof is on the the person claiming something exists. Beauty and art are completely subjective. What is beautiful to one may be ugly to another.
You can deny gravity as you fall to the bottom of a cliff, but your opinion about gravity means nothing. I have science. I have friends. I have happiness.
Logic and faith are indeed separate realms. Logic dwells in the realm of reality and faith dwells in the realm of fairy-tales. I do not believe any biographical information from you. I have repeatedly stated my position on the Soviet Union and its mistakes.
Communism is the future. Capitalism will be swept away. There is no point in arguing with you. You will not convince me and I will not convince you.
You are just a pseudonym that someone is hiding behind. Stock is a racist on April 4, 2023 at 2:54 am said: No wonder Stock is never invited to parties. He has to turn to evil organizations like Satan and communism. Stock is the hypocrite.
Проигравший покинет соревнование, а победитель сразится с Team Falcons в следующем матче. Следить за ходом соревнования можно в репортаже. Трешток на сцене:.
And while being unwaveringly against reform and advocating for a total abolition of the capitalist system , Debs spent his life expanding his thinking. He was not only radical, but willing to change his mind as he learned and grew.
When Debs died in 1926, Time described him as "a broken prophet. Many of the ideas he spent his life advocating for were by then absorbed into the mainstream. This is the untold truth of Eugene V. Eugene V. With this, Debs was able to enjoy "a middle-class life of hunting and fishing," and briefly attend a private school before going to a public school.
When Debs was 14, he dropped out of school and started working at the Vandalia Railroad. Paid 50 cents per day, his job was scraping grease and paint off of the train cars. Within a year, he was promoted to fireman, and given the task of shovelling coal into the fireboxes. According to the Debs Foundation , he also attended night classes at a local business school. But, according to the New Yorker , Debs lost his job during the Panic of 1873.
This led him to move to East St. Louis as he looked for work, but within two years, Debs returned to Terre Haute. Debs joined the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and helped create the Terre Haute local chapter in 1875. According to " Eugene V. By 1880, Debs was made editor-in-chief.
That year, he was also made national secretary-treasurer of the union. Finding Dulcinea reports that Debs also dipped his toes into public politics. In 1879, starting out as a Democrat, Debs was elected city clerk in Terre Haute, where he served two terms, and in 1885, he was elected to the Indiana state legislature. However, after serving one term on the state legislature, Debs realized that there was little he could do from his position to improve the lives of railroad workers. After being involved in the Burlington Railroad Strike of 1888, where workers were defeated , Debs started to envision a more unified front for railroad workers.
Их судьба была решена Верховным судом, поддержавшим ранее принятое решение о заключении их в тюрьму за неуважение к суду. Больше всего Дебс и остальные обвиняемые возмутились тем, что ни один присяжный не признал их виновными в совершении преступления. Они были заключены в тюрьму по «автократической прихоти» федерального судьи, не имея возможности отстаивать свои интересы перед обычными гражданами. Если Дебса можно было так легко запереть, то, рассуждал он, его сограждане тоже несвободны. Но суды были не единственным инструментом власти произвола, с которой нужно бороться, чтобы быть свободными. Подъём промышленного капитализма в последние десятилетия XIX века создал питательную среду для неподотчётной власти. Наёмные работники, в частности, находились во власти своих богатых работодателей, которые определяли, будут ли они зарабатывать достаточно, чтобы обеспечить себя и свои семьи жильём, одежой и пропитанием. В отсутствие системы социальной поддержки со стороны государства, право увольнять работников фактически давало богатым промышленникам возможность доводить до нищеты требовавших лучших условий или просто избыточных для нужд компании рабочих.
Огромные состояния промышленных миллионеров также обеспечивали им широкое политическое влияние, как посредством прямых взяток, так и за счёт более тонких влиятельных связей. Выступая с критикой такого положения вещей, Дебс считал, что следует по стопам давней республиканской традиции США, которая заявляла о ценности свободы своих граждан. Однако его собственный путь через трудовую борьбу «позолоченного века» привёл Дебса к более радикальному выводу, чем у его предшественников-республиканцев. Он требовал однозначной социалистической республики, в которой все могли бы быть свободными. Дебс обратил язык республиканской мысли против боссов и системы, которая поддерживала их власть Сегодня большинство людей понимают под республиканством отказ от монархии — эту позицию Дебс охотно разделял с предыдущими поколениями американцев, которые расстались с королём Георгом III. Но враждебность к королевской власти — лишь малая часть гораздо более богатой республиканской философии, уходящей корнями в древний мир. Республиканцы выступают за свободу граждан, которые могут объединиться для достижения общего блага. Подчинение чьему-либо произволу они признают великим злом.
У того, кто вынужден полагаться только на добрую волю, нет свободы, даже если с ним хорошо обращаются. Такой человек действует лишь по благоволению другого. Таково унизительное положение крепостных и подданных абсолютных монархов, какими бы добрыми и просвещёнными ни были их хозяева. Свобода гражданина всегда была драгоценна для республиканцев. Но определение этого гражданства могло быть таким узким, что в нём не было места для женщин, бедняков или тех, кто не принадлежит к правящей расовой касте. Таким образом, к радости своих коллег-критиков взрослеющей американской республики Сэмюэл Джонсон смог задать вопрос: «Почему громче всех о свободе орут надсмотрщики за неграми? С самого начала своей карьеры в качестве профсоюзного организатора он даже заявлял, что борется с «нарушениями прав, которые принимают некоторые формы рабства». Опираясь на идеи, уходящие корнями в классицизм, он предупреждал о безотчётной власти монархов и на то были веские причины, учитывая, что его самого впоследствии обезглавят за государственную измену.
Сочинения Сидни окрестили «учебником революции», и, отчасти благодаря его влиянию, мы видим, что создатели Конституции США, такие как Александр Гамильтон, проводят различие между свободой и состоянием рабства, в котором кто-то «управляется волей другого». Сама возможность неограниченного британского налогообложения без представительства в парламенте, казалось бы, отвечала всем требованиям. Но ни Сидней, ни Гамильтон не стали бы бороться с тяжёлым положением слуг и наёмных рабочих в условиях той республики. Дебс обратил звонкоголосый язык республиканской политической мысли против боссов и всей системы, которая поддерживала их власть. Подобно республиканцам прошлого, он предупреждал о фатальной зависимости от произвола других. Но вместо того, чтобы нападать на безграничную власть короля или заморского законодательного органа, он адаптировал этот анализ к условиям быстро индустриализирующейся капиталистической экономики. Не могло быть политического равенства, когда рабочие зависели от капиталистов, владевших ресурсами, инструментами и машинами, необходимыми для зарабатывания на жизнь. Дебс пришёл к выводу, что: «Ни один человек не свободен в каком-либо справедливом смысле, если ему приходится полагаться на произвол другого ради возможности работать».
Но эта несвобода была реальностью для большинства трудящихся, которые работали и, следовательно, жили с разрешения начальства. Ключевым моментом того, как Дебс понимал работу при капитализме, был контроль. Длительный рабочий день, небезопасные условия и изнурительный характер большей части этого труда не остались для него незамеченными. Как бывший кочегар локомотива, которому приходилось кидать лопатой уголь в топку паровоза, Дебс знал, что такое изнурительная работа. Он также не питал никаких иллюзий по поводу ужасных условий на заводах, фабриках, в шахтах и на фермах, где рабочие изо дня в день горбатились за скудное вознаграждение. Но недовольство Дебса было более фундаментальным, чем неудовольствие от плохих условий труда или даже низкой заработной платы — оно метило в отсутствие свободы в самом сердце экономики. Республиканцы хотят устранить произвол власти, а не доверять её мудрым и добрым правителям. В этом духе Цицерон заметил, что «свобода состоит не в том, чтобы иметь справедливого господина, а в том, чтобы не иметь его».
Сидни прибавил: «Раб тот, кто служит самому лучшему и благородному человеку в мире, а также тот, кто служит худшему; и он действительно служит ему, если тот должен подчиняться его приказам, и зависит от его воли».
Юджин Дебс – цитаты
Although Debs initially advised against the walkout—which he viewed as too risky—the ARU ultimately threw its support behind a nationwide boycott, and railroad workers across the nation refused to work on trains containing Pullman cars. The strike was so effective that, between May and June, nationwide rail transport ground to a virtual halt. The economic disruption was so great that, in July, President Grover Cleveland issued an injunction against the work stoppage and called in federal troops to suppress the strike. Clashes broke out, and federal troops and police killed at least 30 railroad workers while suppressing the strike. Debs was arrested and imprisoned for his role in the action. Supreme Court Library. After his release from prison, Debs was one of the most important figures in the American labor movement at the turn of the century. He was instrumental in founding the Socialist Party of America and was an early founding member of the radical trade union Industrial Workers of the World.
Labor Problems in America 1940. Between 1900 and 1916, Debs ran for president four times: once as the candidate for the Social Democratic Party in 1900; and then as the candidate for the Socialist Party of America in 1904, 1908, and 1912. Presidential Library. Woodrow Wilson, the victor of the election, would prove to be a tenacious antagonist to American socialists in the years to come. The Speech, Arrest, and Trial On June 16, 1918, while on his way to the Ohio state Socialist convention in Canton, Debs stopped to deliver a speech outside the Stark County Workhouse, where three local leaders of the Socialist Party were imprisoned for opposing the draft. Debs spent the following two hours speaking in front of a crowd of 1,200, which included plain clothes agents of the Justice Department , who circulated through the crowd demanding to inspect the draft cards of audience members. Writings and Speeches of Eugene V.
Debs 1948. Supreme Court which had recently struck down a law against child labor , and generally called for the abolishment of capitalism in the United States and world as a whole.
На момент публикации материала OG и G2.
Проигравший покинет соревнование, а победитель сразится с Team Falcons в следующем матче. Следить за ходом соревнования можно в репортаже.
Это и есть суть войны. Войну всегда объявляют правящие классы. Но в сражениях участвуют классы бесправные. Хозяева жизни получают всё и ничего не проигрывают. Простые люди не получают ничего и теряют всё — в первую очередь свои жизни.
Они всегда учили вас верить, что это ваш патриотический долг — пойти на войну и умереть по команде. Но во всей истории мира, вы — простые люди — никогда не объявляли войну, и как ни странно, сам народ ни в одной нации никогда за все времена не объявлял войны. Рабочий класс, который ведет в се сражения, рабочий класс, который приносит величайшие жертвы, рабочий класс, который обильно проливает свою кровь и усеивает поле боя трупами, никогда еще не имел права голоса ни в объявлении войны, ни в заключении мира. Именно правящий класс неизменно делает и то, и другое.
But they themselves did not go to war any more than the modern feudal lords, the barons of Wall Street, go to war.
Debs in Canton, Ohio on June 16, 1918. The working class have never yet had a voice in declaring war.
The Untold Truth Of Eugene V. Debs
Юджин Дебс умер в октябре 1926 года, до последнего уверенный в том, что социалистическая революция может быть задержана, но неизбежно произойдет. Судя по реакции Дебса на фразу Вэна, ему пришлось спросить тиммейтов на сцене, какую шутку он пропустил. Their leader Eugene Debs, who actually ran for President more often than Joe Biden, summed up his view of the world in saying. Their leader Eugene Debs, who actually ran for President more often than Joe Biden, summed up his view of the world in saying. Май 21, 2013 0 Комментариев 24 мая в Петербурге пройдет презентация сборника статей легендарного деятеля рабочего и социалистического движения США Юджина Дебса.
Антивоенная речь Юджина Дебса в исполнении Марка Руффало
No one reading Eugene V. Debs: A Graphic Biography could doubt that authors Paul Buhle and Steve Max have accessibility in mind. On August 29, 1895, Eugene Victor Debs penned a letter from his cell at the federal prison in Woodstock, Illinois, to the Terre Haute, Indiana Labor Day Committee. On August 29, 1895, Eugene Victor Debs penned a letter from his cell at the federal prison in Woodstock, Illinois, to the Terre Haute, Indiana Labor Day Committee. The latest and best Eugene Debs news and articles from the award-winning team at Zeeshan Aleem: Who was Eugene Debs, and how was this man able to secure a full 3% of the vote while in prison?
ДЕБС ЮДЖИН
The standard biography of Eugene Debs is Nick Salvatore’s Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982). ДЕБС (Debs) Юджин (5.11.1855, Терре-Хот, штат Индиана – 20.10.1926, Элмхерст, штат Иллинойс), амер. политич. деятель. Из бедной семьи франц. эмигрантов. Информация Новости Контакт Род занятий. TikTok for Good Реклама Developers Прозрачность TikTok Rewards TikTok Embeds. Bernie and Eugene Debs cadence and intonations are eerily similar but in the most comforting way. Keep Consortium News going in the tradition of Bob Parry. I'm not sure whether Donald Trump has ever heard of Eugene Debs, the austerely incorruptible early leader of America's Socialist Party.
«Формат с двумя картами ведёт к ничьим» — Ceb о групповой стадии ESL One Birmingham 2024
В соответствии с «Законом о шпионаже» — тем же самым реакционным законом, по которому будут судить Джулиана Ассанжа в случае его экстрадиции в Соединенные Штаты, — Дебс был приговорен к 10 годам тюремного заключения за антивоенную речь в Кантоне, штат Огайо, произнесенную им в июне 1918 года. Это был апогей государственной «охоты на ведьм» против социалистов и других левых, тех, кто выступал против вступления Америки в Первую мировую войну. Он начал отбывать срок в апреле 1919 года. На выборах 1920 года Дебс баллотировался в президенты из тюрьмы и получил 919 799 голосов, что составляло более 3 процентов от общего числа участвовавших в голосовании. Как сообщала газета New York Times, что в тот момент, когда Дебс покидал тюрьму, «заключенные провожали его приветственным ревом.
Пуллмен Страйк Удар Члены Американского национального объединения ARU противостоят войск национального гвардии Иллинойса в Чикаго во время Дебс восстание 1894 года В 1894 году Дебс участвовала в забастовке Пуллмана , которая возникла в результате спора о компенсации, начатого рабочими, строившими железнодорожные вагоны, изготовленные автомобилестроительной компанией PullmanPalace. Дебс пыталась убедить членов профсоюзов, которые работали на железных дорогах, в том, что бойкот слишком рискован; учитывая враждебность железных дорог и федерального правительства, слабость профсоюза и возможность того, что другиепрофсоюзы прекратят забастовку. Члены игнорировали предупреждения и отказывались обращаться с вагонами Pullman или любыми другими железнодорожными вагонами, прикрепленными к ним, включая автомобили с почтой США. Эллиотт расширил забастовку в Сент-Луис, увеличив ее размер вдвое до 80 000 рабочих, Дебс уступила и решила принять участие в забастовке, которую теперь поддержали почти все члены ARU в непосредственной близости от города. Забастовщики боролись, объявив бойкот вагонам поездов Pullman, и под руководством Дебс в конечном итоге забастовка стала известна как «Восстание Дебс». Президент Гровер Кливленд , которого Дебс поддерживала во всех трех его президентских кампаниях, послал армию Соединенных Штатов для исполнения судебного запрета.
Присутствие армии было достаточно, чтобы сломить удар. Всего в ходе забастовки было убито 30 забастовщиков, 13 из них в Чикаго, тысячи попали в черный список. Было повреждено имущество на сумму около 80 миллионов долларов. Дебс представлял Кларенс Дэрроу , позже ведущий Американский юрист и гражданский либертарианец, ранее работавший ным юристом в железнодорожной компании. Хотя обычно считается, что Дэрроу «перешел на другую сторону», чтобы представить Дебс, миф, повторенный биографией Ирвинга Стоуна «Кларенс Дэрроу в защиту», на самом деле он ушел с железной дороги ранее, после смерти своего наставника Уильяма Гауди. В постановлении по делу Верховного суда , In re Debs позднее было подтверждено право федерального правительства издать судебный запрет. Пуллман Страйк Во время ареста Что касается почтовых препятствий, Дебс еще не была социалисткой. Отбыв шестимесячный срок в тюрьме в Вудстоке, штат Иллинойс , Дебс и его товарищи из ARU постоянный поток писем, книг иброшюр по почте от социалистов со всей страны. Дебс вспоминал несколько лет спустя: Я начал читать, думать и анализировать анатомические системы, в которой рабочие, какими бы организованными они ни были, могли быть разбиты, разбиты и расколоты одним ударом. Мне рано понравились труды Беллами и Блатчфорда.
Following the Second American Revolution , Debs made peace with the Central Powers in 1918 calling back all troops that went to Europe and ceded territory to Mexico in the Treaty of Phoenix. Fighting ended in 1921, but before then Debs had already created a new Congress. Debs spent the last five years of his life turning the USSA into the Communist country he had worked for.
Киберспортсмен выделяет его, как самого опасного представителя команды оппонентов. Бывает, что в команде есть игрок, который может впасть в тильт или что-то подобное, но мы на такой стадии турнира, где подобное не происходит. Это ведь слабость, а команды с таковыми далеко не заходят.
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- June 16, 1918: Eugene V. Debs Speech Against WWI - Zinn Education Project
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All-American socialism, from Debs to AOC
- Eugene Debs: When a prisoner ran for president
- Eugene Debs | Portside
- Премия Юджина В. Дебса
- Забастовки, тюрьмы и человечность Юджина Дебса
Eugene V. Debs - Pioneer Rail Labor Leader
В 1904, 1908, 1912 и 1920 годы — Юджин Дебс выдвигается кандидатом от Социалистической партии Америки для участия в избирательной кампании на пост президента США. Eugene V. Debs was a US politician and a member of the Socialist Party and ran for President five times since 1900. Юджин Дебс покидает Белый дом вскоре после своего освобождения из тюрьмы, 1921 год.