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The instability that has persisted for years and decades is creating a breeding ground for international terrorism that is universally recognized as one of the most dangerous challenges to the world community. The United Nations has adopted the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy but it seems that the struggle against this evil is conducted not under a common universal plan and not consistently but in a series of responses to the most urgent and barbarian manifestations of terror — when the public uproar over the impudent acts of terrorists grows out of proportion. The civilized world must not wait for tragedies like the terrorist attacks in New York in September 2001 or another Beslan disaster and only then act collectively and resolutely after the shock of such cases. There has been progress. In the last few years security services and the law-enforcement agencies of many countries have markedly upgraded their cooperation. But there is still the obvious potential for further anti-terrorist cooperation. Thus, double standards still exist and terrorists are perceived differently in different countries — some are "bad guys" and others are "not so bad. All available public institutions — the media, religious associations, NGOs, the education system, science and business — must be used to prevent terrorism all over the world. We need a dialogue between religions and, on a broader plane, among civilizations.
Russia has many religions, but we have never had religious wars. We could make a contribution to an international discussion on this issue. Last year China moved into second place in the world in terms of GDP and it is poised to surpass the U. How should we conduct ourselves in the face of the rapidly strengthening Chinese factor? The Chinese voice in the world is indeed growing ever more confident, and we welcome that, because Beijing shares our vision of the emerging equitable world order. We will continue to support each other in the international arena, to work together to solve acute regional and global problems, and to promote cooperation within the UN Security Council, BRICS, the SCO, the G20 and other multilateral forums. And third, we have settled all the major political issues in our relations with China, including the critical border issue. Our nations have created a solid mechanism of bilateral ties, reinforced by legally binding documents.
There is an unprecedentedly high level of trust between the leaders of our two countries. The model of Russian-Chinese relations we have created has good prospects. Of course, this is not suggest that our relationship with China is problem-free. There are some sources of friction. Our commercial interests in third countries by no means always coincide, and we are not entirely satisfied with the emerging trade structure and the low level of mutual investments. But my main premise is that Russia needs a prosperous and stable China, and I am convinced that China needs a strong and successful Russia. Another rapidly growing Asian giant is India. Russia has traditionally enjoyed friendly relations with India, which the leaders of our two countries have classified as a privileged strategic partnership.
Not only our countries but the entire multipolar system that is emerging in the world stands to gain from this partnership. We see before our eyes not only the rise of China and India, but the growing weight of the entire Asia-Pacific Region. This has opened up new horizons for fruitful work within the framework of the Russian chairmanship of APEC. In September of this year we will host a meeting of its leaders in Vladivostok. We are actively preparing for it, creating modern infrastructure that will promote the further development of Siberia and the Russian Far East and enable our country to become more involved in the dynamic integration processes in the "new Asia. That unique structure, created in 2006, is a striking symbol of the transition from a unipolar world to a more just world order. BRICS brings together five countries with a population of almost three billion people, the largest emerging economies, colossal labor and natural resources and huge domestic markets. We are still getting used to working together in this format.
In particular, we have to coordinate better on foreign policy matters and work together more closely at the UN. But when BRICS is really up and running, its impact on the world economy and politics will be considerable. In recent years, cooperation with the countries of Asia, Latin America and Africa has become a growing focus of Russian diplomacy and of our business community. In these regions there is still sincere goodwill toward Russia. One of the key tasks for the coming period, in my view, is cultivating trade and economic cooperation as well as joint projects in the fields of energy, infrastructure, investment, science and technology, banking and tourism. The growing role of Asia, Latin America and Africa in the emerging democratic system of managing the global economy and global finance is reflected in the work of the G20. Russia will chair the G20 in 2013, and we must use this opportunity to better coordinate the work of the G20 and other multilateral structures, above all the G8 and, of course, the UN. The Europe factor Russia is an inalienable and organic part of Greater Europe and European civilization.
Our citizens think of themselves as Europeans. We are by no means indifferent to developments in united Europe. Likewise, it is clear that the prospects of the entire global economic structure depend heavily on the state of affairs in Europe. Russia is actively participating in the international effort to support the ailing European economies, and is consistently working with its partners to formulate collective decisions under the auspices of the IMF. Russia is not opposed in principle to direct financial assistance in some cases. At the same time I believe that external financial injections can only partially solve the problem. A true solution will require energetic, system-wide measures. European leaders face the task of effecting large-scale transformations that will fundamentally change many financial and economic mechanisms to ensure genuine budget discipline.
We have a stake in ensuring a strong EU, as envisioned by Germany and France. It is in our interests to realize the enormous potential of the Russia-EU partnership. The current level of cooperation between Russia and the European Union does not correspond to current global challenges, above all making our shared continent more competitive. I propose again that we work toward creating a harmonious community of economies from Lisbon to Vladivostok, which will, in the future, evolve into a free trade zone and even more advanced forms of economic integration. The resulting common continental market would be worth trillions of euros. Does anyone doubt that this would be a wonderful development, and that it would meet the interests of both Russians and Europeans? We must also consider more extensive cooperation in the energy sphere, up to and including the formation of a common European energy complex. These projects have the support of many governments and involve major European energy companies.
Once the pipelines start operating at full capacity, Europe will have a reliable and flexible gas-supply system that does not depend on the political whims of any nation. This is particularly relevant in the light of the decision of some European states to reduce or renounce nuclear energy. The Third Energy Package, backed by the European Commission and aimed at squeezing out integrated Russian companies, is frankly not conducive to stronger relations between Russia and the EU. Considering the growing instability of energy suppliers that could act as an alternative to Russia, the package aggravates the systemic risks to the European energy sector and scares away potential investors in new infrastructure projects. Many European politicians have been critical of the package in their talks with me. We should summon the courage to remove this obstacle to mutually beneficial cooperation. I believe that genuine partnership between Russia and the European Union is impossible as long as there are barriers that impede human and economic contacts, first and foremost visa requirements. The abolition of visas would give powerful impetus to real integration between Russia and the EU, and would help expand cultural and business ties, especially between medium-sized and small businesses.
The threat to Europeans from Russian economic migrants is largely imagined. Our people have opportunities to put their abilities and skills to use in their own country, and these opportunities are becoming ever more numerous. In December 2011 we agreed with the EU on "joint steps" toward a visa-free regime. They can and should be taken without delay. We should continue to actively pursue this goal. Russian-American affairs In recent years a good deal has been done to develop Russian-American relations. Even so, we have not managed to fundamentally change the matrix of our relations, which continue to ebb and flow. The instability of the partnership with America is due in part to the tenacity of some well-known stereotypes and phobias, particularly the perception of Russia on Capitol Hill.
But the main problem is that bilateral political dialogue and cooperation do not rest on a solid economic foundation. The current level of bilateral trade falls far short of the potential of our economies. The same is true of mutual investments. We have yet to create a safety net that would protect our relations against ups and downs. We should work on this.
Церемония награждения не ограничена только победителями. На неё может приехать любой участник соревнований Russialoppet вместе с семьей или друзьями.
После окончания торжественной части запланирована презентация календаря и новых правил зачетов Russialoppet в сезоне-2024.
However, it soon became clear that events in many countries were not following a civilized scenario. Instead of asserting democracy and protecting the rights of the minority, attempts were being made to depose an enemy and to stage a coup, which only resulted in the replacement of one dominant force with another even more aggressive dominant force. Foreign interference in support of one side of a domestic conflict and the use of power in this interference gave developments a negative aura. A number of countries did away with the Libyan regime by using air power in the name of humanitarian support. The revolting slaughter of Muammar Gaddafi — not just medieval but primeval — was the incarnation of these actions. No one should be allowed to use the Libyan scenario in Syria.
The international community must work to achieve an inter-Syrian reconciliation. This would create the conditions necessary for the Syrian leadership-announced measures on democratization. The main objective is to prevent an all-out civil war. Russian diplomacy has worked and will continue to work towards this end. Sadder but wiser, we are against the adoption of UN Security Council resolutions that may be interpreted as a signal to armed interference in the domestic developments of Syria. Guided by this consistent approach in early February, Russia and China prevented the adoption of an ambiguous resolution that would have encouraged one side of this domestic conflict to resort to violence. In this context and considering the extremely negative, almost hysterical reaction to the Russian-Chinese veto, I would like to warn our Western colleagues against the temptation to resort to this simple, previously used tactic: if the UN Security Council approves of a given action, fine; if not, we will establish a coalition of the states concerned and strike anyway.
The logic of such conduct is counterproductive and very dangerous. No good can come of it. In any case, it will not help reach a settlement in a country that is going through a domestic conflict. Even worse, it further undermines the entire system of international security as well as the authority and key role of the UN. The implication of this right is that decisions that raise the objection of even one permanent member of the UN Security Council cannot be well-grounded or effective. I hope very much that The United States and other countries will consider this sad experience and will not pursue the use of power in Syria without UN Security Council sanctions. In general, I cannot understand what causes this itch for military intervention.
It only lacked the demand that the armed opposition do the same as the government; in particular, withdraw military units and detachments from cities. The refusal to do so is cynical. If we want to protect civilians — and this is the main goal for Russia — we must bring to reason all participants in an armed confrontation. And one more point. It appears that with the Arab Spring countries, as with Iraq, Russian companies are losing their decades-long positions in local commercial markets and are being deprived of large commercial contracts. The niches thus vacated are being filled by the economic operatives of the states that had a hand in the change of the ruling regime. Be that as it may, we cannot sit back watch all this with Olympian serenity.
We intend to work with the new governments of the Arab countries in order to promptly restore our economic positions. Generally, the current developments in the Arab world are, in many ways, instructive. They show that a striving to introduce democracy by use of power can produce — and often does produce —contradictory results. Russia has always had good relations with the moderate representatives of Islam, whose world outlook was close to the traditions of Muslims in Russia. We are ready to develop these contacts further under the current conditions. We are interested in stepping up our political, trade and economic ties with all Arab countries, including those that, let me repeat, have gone through domestic upheaval. Moreover, I see real possibilities that will enable Russia to fully preserve its leading position in the Middle East, where we have always had many friends.
As for the Arab-Israeli conflict, to this day, the "magic recipe" that will produce a final settlement has not been invented. It would be unacceptable to give up on this issue. Considering our close ties with the Israeli and Palestinian leaders, Russian diplomacy will continue to work for the resumption of the peace process both on a bilateral basis and within the format of the Quartet on the Middle East, while coordinating its steps with the Arab League. The Arab Spring has graphically demonstrated that world public opinion is being shaped by the most active use of advanced information and communications technology. It is possible to say that the Internet, the social networks, cell phones, etc. This new variable has come into play and gives us food for thought — how to continue developing the unique freedoms of communication via the Internet and at the same time reduce the risk of its being used by terrorists and other criminal elements. The notion of "soft power" is being used increasingly often.
This implies a matrix of tools and methods to reach foreign policy goals without the use of arms but by exerting information and other levers of influence. Regrettably, these methods are being used all too frequently to develop and provoke extremist, separatist and nationalistic attitudes, to manipulate the public and to conduct direct interference in the domestic policy of sovereign countries. There must be a clear division between freedom of speech and normal political activity, on the one hand, and illegal instruments of "soft power," on the other. The civilized work of non-governmental humanitarian and charity organizations deserves every support. This also applies to those who actively criticize the current authorities. However, the activities of "pseudo-NGOs" and other agencies that try to destabilize other countries with outside support are unacceptable. There are many agents of influence from big countries, international blocks or corporations.
When they act in the open — this is simply a form of civilized lobbyism. However, Russia does not use or fund national NGOs based in other countries or any foreign political organizations in the pursuit of its own interests. China, India and Brazil do not do this either. We believe that any influence on domestic policy and public attitude in other countries must be exerted in the open; in this way, those who wish to be of influence will do so responsibly. New challenges and threats Today, Iran is the focus of international attention. Needless to say, Russia is worried about the growing threat of a military strike against Iran. If this happens, the consequences will be disastrous.
It is impossible to imagine the true scope of this turn of events. I am convinced that this issue must be settled exclusively by peaceful means. But this must be done in exchange for putting all Iranian nuclear activity under reliable and comprehensive IAEA safeguards. If this is done, the sanctions against Iran, including the unilateral ones, must be rescinded. The West has shown too much willingness to "punish" certain countries. At any minor development it reaches for sanctions if not armed force. Let me remind you that we are not in the 19th century or even the 20th century now.
Developments around the Korean nuclear issue are no less serious. Violating the non-proliferation regime, Pyongyang openly claims the right to develop "the military atom" and has already conducted two nuclear tests. We have consistently advocated the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula — exclusively through political and diplomatic means -- and the early resumption of Six-Party Talks. However, it is evident that not all of our partners share this approach. I am convinced that today it is essential to be particularly careful. It would be unadvisable to try and test the strength of the new North Korean leader and provoke a rash countermeasure. Allow me to recall that North Korea and Russia share a common border and we cannot choose our neighbors.
We will continue conducting an active dialogue with the leaders of North Korea and developing good-neighborly relations with it, while at the same time trying to encourage Pyongyang to settle the nuclear issue. Obviously, it would be easier to do this if mutual trust is built up and the inter-Korean dialogue resumes on the peninsula. All this fervor around the nuclear programs of Iran and North Korea makes one wonder how the risks of nuclear weapons proliferation emerge and who is aggravating them. It seems that the more frequent cases of crude and even armed outside interference in the domestic affairs of countries may prompt authoritarian and other regimes to possess nuclear weapons. This is why the number of threshold countries that are one step away from "military atom" technology, is growing rather than decreasing. Under these conditions, zones free of weapons of mass destruction are being established in different parts of the world and are becoming increasingly important. Russia has initiated the discussion of the parameters for a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East.
It is essential to do everything we can to prevent any country from being tempted to get nuclear weapons. Non-proliferation campaigners must also change their conduct, especially those that are used to penalizing other countries by force, without letting the diplomats do their job.
На конец 2023 года объем активов в целевых капиталах фонда составил 85,4 млрд рублей. Тем не менее, фактор высокой волатильности долгосрочных стратегических инвестиций оказал существенное влияние на общие финансовые результаты доверительного управления целевыми капиталами в 2023 году - переоценка акций ПАО "Росбанк" привела к получению убытка в размере 3,923 млрд рублей", - говорится в отчете.
Оценка пакета Росбанка на балансе фонда сократилась за год примерно на 7 млрд рублей - с 79,6 млрд до 72,7 млрд рублей.
РОССИЯ И УКРАИНА: МЕСЯЦ СПУСТЯ (4 волна, 23-25 марта)
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РПЛ 2023 - 2024
Рассылки: Новости-почтой TV-Программа Гороскопы Job Offers Концерты Coupons Discounts Иммиграция Business News Анекдоты Многое другое. Полиция пришла с обыском в бизнес-клуб Club 500, основателем которого является бизнес-блоггер Дмитрий Портнягин. По словам его жены, «навел всю эту суету» экс-кандидат в мэры. Новости. Юрий Подоляка рассказал о давлении на генерала: "Академики Генштаба" силой его вытолкали из армии". Все новости Чемпионата России по футболу 2023-2024, онлайн трансляции, видео лучших голов, рейтинги, прогнозы и обзоры матчей Российской Премьер-лиги. Главные новости. Антон Ванюшов, ведущий популярного канала Рашен Football, подвел итоги 25-го тура РПЛ.
Чемпионат России по футболу — Российская Премьер-лига (РПЛ)
| Все проекты | Russian Field | Мэр Харькова признал, что в городе началась настоящая паника. В Сети ужаснулись словам Зеленского о Путине. В США сообщили о внезапном отступлении ВСУ в зоне СВО. |
| РБК - последние новости, свежие события сегодня - Новости | Федерация лыжных гонок Удмуртии. Новости. |
| Лента новостей | Молодец!!! Приятно смотреть такие новости! |
| Возвращение Одессы и радуги: Путин объявил условия для мира - МК | Все свежие новости за сегодня в реальном времени онлайн. |
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Политика и политики 5502 новостей от Русской Испании. Эксклюзивный контент от Russian Field, подпишись и получи доступ первым! Российская редакция National Geographic приостанавливает работу своего сайта и запускает новый журнал Russian Traveler. Обсуждение темы "Календарь лыжных марафонов Russialoppet 2024" на форуме
Футбол России
Russian Forces Conduct 35 Massive Strikes on Ukrainian Infrastructure in a Week. Любительская лыжная лига RussiaLoppet опубликовала календарь стартов на 2023 год. В новом сезоне будет 45 соревновательных дней и 34 организатора. Добавлены новые гонки – марафон. Последние новости и события, происходящие в России и мире, а также комментарии и мнения экспертов. Социологи, проводившие 12-й опрос в рамках исследования Russian Field, изучили отношение россиян к СВО. 14 декабря 2023 года в ресторане «Берег» Москва, Строгино по адресу: Исаковского 37к2с1 пройдет ежегодная церемония награждения по итогам сезона-2023 серии.
190 лыжников приняли участие в Большом альпинистском лыжном марафоне
Когда на сцене вскрыли конверт и назвали мое имя, кажется, я даже не поняла, что произошло. Благодарю всех, кто помогал мне и просто был рядом", — написала Елена на своей странице в соцсети «ВКонтакте». Подписчики Елены очень обрадовались ее победе. Запись набрала почти 600 лайков и 10 тысяч просмотров.
За участие в боевых действиях награжден тремя орденами «Отечественной войны». Спасибо за подаренную возможность участвовать в соревнованиях под мирным небом и перенимать пример Мужества у такого человека, как Вы! В минувшие выходные на льду величественного озера Байкал собралось более 300 лыжников для участия в марафоне Байкал - финальной гонке серии марафонов Russialoppet. Своим участием олимпийская чемпионка - Юстина Ковальчик украсила этот спортивный праздник, на равных с мужчинами пройдя дистанцию и обыграв прошлогоднюю победительницу Алису Жамбалову.
Как и обещали организаторы, было действительно уютно и по-людски. Для сравнения, в прошлом году собирались в углу магазина Sportmaster Pro, и это было тоже душевно, но не так комфортно. Мероприятию предшествовал просмотр близлежащей лыжной трассы, но я туда не пошел, зато одним из первых пришел в ресторан и занял своим друзьям лучшие места. На мероприятии угощали вкусными и сытными закусками и поили пивом, но и любителей ЗОЖ не обделили. На мероприятии было награждение в огромном количестве номинаций. Награждались марафонцы в абсолютном зачете, в возрастном, в командном и многие другие. Отмечу несколько номинаций. Звание Мастера марафонов присуждается лыжнику, проехавшему 10 марафонов в разных субъектах федерации, и 5 из них - в разных федеральных округах.
Retrieved 9 December 2013. RIA Novosti. Archived from the original on 9 January 2019. BBC News. Retrieved 10 September 2013. Retrieved 31 December 2013. The Independent Barents Observer in Russian.
Календарь лыжных марафонов Russialoppet 2023
Our citizens think of themselves as Europeans. We are by no means indifferent to developments in united Europe. Likewise, it is clear that the prospects of the entire global economic structure depend heavily on the state of affairs in Europe. Russia is actively participating in the international effort to support the ailing European economies, and is consistently working with its partners to formulate collective decisions under the auspices of the IMF. Russia is not opposed in principle to direct financial assistance in some cases. At the same time I believe that external financial injections can only partially solve the problem. A true solution will require energetic, system-wide measures. European leaders face the task of effecting large-scale transformations that will fundamentally change many financial and economic mechanisms to ensure genuine budget discipline. We have a stake in ensuring a strong EU, as envisioned by Germany and France. It is in our interests to realize the enormous potential of the Russia-EU partnership. The current level of cooperation between Russia and the European Union does not correspond to current global challenges, above all making our shared continent more competitive.
I propose again that we work toward creating a harmonious community of economies from Lisbon to Vladivostok, which will, in the future, evolve into a free trade zone and even more advanced forms of economic integration. The resulting common continental market would be worth trillions of euros. Does anyone doubt that this would be a wonderful development, and that it would meet the interests of both Russians and Europeans? We must also consider more extensive cooperation in the energy sphere, up to and including the formation of a common European energy complex. These projects have the support of many governments and involve major European energy companies. Once the pipelines start operating at full capacity, Europe will have a reliable and flexible gas-supply system that does not depend on the political whims of any nation. This is particularly relevant in the light of the decision of some European states to reduce or renounce nuclear energy. The Third Energy Package, backed by the European Commission and aimed at squeezing out integrated Russian companies, is frankly not conducive to stronger relations between Russia and the EU. Considering the growing instability of energy suppliers that could act as an alternative to Russia, the package aggravates the systemic risks to the European energy sector and scares away potential investors in new infrastructure projects. Many European politicians have been critical of the package in their talks with me.
We should summon the courage to remove this obstacle to mutually beneficial cooperation. I believe that genuine partnership between Russia and the European Union is impossible as long as there are barriers that impede human and economic contacts, first and foremost visa requirements. The abolition of visas would give powerful impetus to real integration between Russia and the EU, and would help expand cultural and business ties, especially between medium-sized and small businesses. The threat to Europeans from Russian economic migrants is largely imagined. Our people have opportunities to put their abilities and skills to use in their own country, and these opportunities are becoming ever more numerous. In December 2011 we agreed with the EU on "joint steps" toward a visa-free regime. They can and should be taken without delay. We should continue to actively pursue this goal. Russian-American affairs In recent years a good deal has been done to develop Russian-American relations. Even so, we have not managed to fundamentally change the matrix of our relations, which continue to ebb and flow.
The instability of the partnership with America is due in part to the tenacity of some well-known stereotypes and phobias, particularly the perception of Russia on Capitol Hill. But the main problem is that bilateral political dialogue and cooperation do not rest on a solid economic foundation. The current level of bilateral trade falls far short of the potential of our economies. The same is true of mutual investments. We have yet to create a safety net that would protect our relations against ups and downs. We should work on this. Nor is mutual understanding strengthened by regular U. Why does that system worry us more than others? Because it affects the strategic nuclear deterrence forces that only Russia possesses in that theatre, and upsets the military-political balance established over decades. The inseparable link between missile defense and strategic offensive weapons is reflected in the New START treaty signed in 2010.
The treaty has come into effect and is working fairly well. It is a major foreign policy achievement. We are ready to consider various options for our joint agenda with the Americans in the field of arms control in the coming period. In this effort we must seek to balance our interests and renounce any attempts to gain one-sided advantages through negotiations. In 2007, during a meeting with President Bush in Kennebunkport, I proposed a solution to the missile defense problem, which, if adopted, would have changed the customary character of Russian-American relations and opened up a positive path forward. Moreover, if we had managed to achieve a breakthrough on missile defense, this would have opened the floodgates for building a qualitatively new model of cooperation, similar to an alliance, in many other sensitive areas. It was not to be. Perhaps it would be useful to look back at the transcripts of the talks in Kennebunkport. In recent years the Russian leadership has come forward with other proposals to resolve the dispute over missile defense. These proposals still stand.
I am loath to dismiss the possibility of reaching a compromise on missile defense. One would not like to see the deployment of the American system on a scale that would demand the implementation of our declared countermeasures. I recently had a talk with Henry Kissinger. I meet with him regularly. In general, we are prepared to make great strides in our relations with the U. Economic diplomacy In December of last year, Russia finally concluded its marathon accession to the WTO, which lasted for many years. I must mention that, in the finishing stretch, the Obama administration and the leaders of some major European states made a significant contribution to achieving the final accords. To be honest, at times during this long and arduous journey we wanted to turn our backs on the talks and slam the door. But we did not succumb to emotion. As a result a compromise was reached that is quite acceptable for our country: we managed to defend the interests of Russian industrial and agricultural producers in the face of growing external competition.
Our economic actors have gained substantial additional opportunities to enter world markets and uphold their rights there in a civilized manner. Russia will comply with WTO norms, as it meets all of its international obligations. Likewise, I hope that our partners will play according to the rules. Russia is still learning how to systematically and consistently promote its economic interests in the world. We have yet to learn, as many Western partners have, how to lobby for decisions that favor Russian business in foreign international forums. We are badly in need of broader, non-discriminatory access to foreign markets. So far Russian economic actors have been getting a raw deal abroad. Restrictive trade and political measures are being taken against them, and technical barriers are being erected that put them at a disadvantage compared with their competitors. The same holds for investments. We are trying to attract foreign capital to the Russian economy.
We are opening up the most attractive areas of our economy to foreign investors, granting them access to the "juiciest morsels," in particular, our fuel and energy complex. But our investors are not welcome abroad and are often pointedly brushed aside. Examples abound. Or take the outrageous examples of Russian businesses being denied their rights as investors after investing considerable resources in foreign assets. This is a frequent occurrence in Central and Eastern Europe. All this leads to the conclusions that Russia must strengthen its political and diplomatic support for Russian entrepreneurs in foreign markets, and to provide more robust assistance to major, landmark business projects. Nor should we forget that Russia can employ identical response measures against those who resort to dishonest methods of competition.
Но уход системного банка российскому владельцу чем это не повод для Запада? Например, запретить трансграничные операции, в том числе перевод денег в иностранной валюте, как в случае со Сбербанком.
Директор высшей школы финансов РЭУ имени Плеханова Константин Ордов вспоминает о понятии «кэптивный банк» и допускает, что Росбанк со временем пойдет по этому пути — в составе «Интерроса» ограничит взаимодействие с ближним и дальним зарубежьем и сосредоточится на внутренних операциях: Константин Ордов директор высшей школы финансов РЭУ имени Плеханова «То есть это банк, который будет связан не с работой с населением — он, скорее всего, сразу же максимально ограничит свою рыночную активность, — а будет обслуживать интересы конкретного холдинга и конкретной компании. Мы в истории видели достаточное количество таких банков. Сейчас мы видели последние санкции, которые все больше обладают свойствами секторальными, веерными. И отсутствие персональных санкций, конечно, не может являться убедительной гарантией того, что банк не будет ограничен в своих финансовых операциях». Пока на Западе принято бороться с газом и переходить на «зеленую» энергию, для этой энергии нужна инфраструктура, а значит, и металлы.
Также вы можете сообщить имеющиеся у вас сведения о "договорных" матчах. Сообщение Настоящим подтверждаю, что ознакомлен с политикой конфиденциальности АФК «РПЛ» и даю свое согласие на обработку моих персональных данных, указанных в ней. Дальнейшее пребывание на сайте означает согласие с их применением.
За каждым соревнованием стоит уникальные история его создания и огромный организаторский труд, а за каждым участником — длинная история спортивного достижения, которая бережно хранится в архивах Russialoppet с 2000 года. Russialoppet Руссиалоппет — спортивное сообщество и организатор массовых соревнований, образованное в 1997 г. Миссия Russialoppet — возродить в России интерес к беговым лыжам и побудить любителей к путешествиям с целью новых спортивных достижений, открывая захватывающие поездки по своей стране.
Russialoppet объединяет соревнования и путешествия, делая участие в гонках незабываемым, а поездки неповторимыми.
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Что теперь? После того, как вы оформили подписку или совершили разовое пожертвование, просим вас заполнить анкету. Это нужно для того, чтобы мы могли связаться с вами и поблагодарить за помощь бонусами в соответствии с уровнем подписки. После этого убедитесь, что вы подписались на наши соцсети и не пропускаете исследования, которые мы проводим с вашей помощью.
Выборка квотная, репрезентативная по полу, возрасту в рамках РФ и федеральных округов в частности. Всероссийский телефонный опрос по случайной выборке телефонных номеров в разных федеральных округах РФ.
Календарь лыжных марафонов Russialoppet 2023 Представляем вашему вниманию расписание серии лыжных марафонов Russialoppet на предстоящий сезон. Серия стартует 22 января марафоном «Кирики-Улита» в Вологодской области, а завершится Авачинским марафоном в Петропавловске-Камчатском. Традиционный марафон им.
Кулаковой состоится в Ижевске с 18 по 19 марта. В первый день спортсмены выйдут на старт 50-километровой гонки свободным стилем, а во второй — 30-километровой гонки классическим стилем. Лопатина Воронеж Свободный стиль, 50 км 5х10.
Так можно же провести лыжный марафон "Кубок Устьи" - 2024 - 25марта. Вот возникает вопрос, кто составлял календарный план лыжных марафона Russialoppet. Что у нас в России любителей лыжного спорта за людей не считают. А вот Чемпионат России и другие старты, это что по вашему?
Not only our countries but the entire multipolar system that is emerging in the world stands to gain from this partnership. We see before our eyes not only the rise of China and India, but the growing weight of the entire Asia-Pacific Region. This has opened up new horizons for fruitful work within the framework of the Russian chairmanship of APEC. In September of this year we will host a meeting of its leaders in Vladivostok. We are actively preparing for it, creating modern infrastructure that will promote the further development of Siberia and the Russian Far East and enable our country to become more involved in the dynamic integration processes in the "new Asia. That unique structure, created in 2006, is a striking symbol of the transition from a unipolar world to a more just world order. BRICS brings together five countries with a population of almost three billion people, the largest emerging economies, colossal labor and natural resources and huge domestic markets. We are still getting used to working together in this format. In particular, we have to coordinate better on foreign policy matters and work together more closely at the UN. But when BRICS is really up and running, its impact on the world economy and politics will be considerable.
In recent years, cooperation with the countries of Asia, Latin America and Africa has become a growing focus of Russian diplomacy and of our business community. In these regions there is still sincere goodwill toward Russia. One of the key tasks for the coming period, in my view, is cultivating trade and economic cooperation as well as joint projects in the fields of energy, infrastructure, investment, science and technology, banking and tourism. The growing role of Asia, Latin America and Africa in the emerging democratic system of managing the global economy and global finance is reflected in the work of the G20. Russia will chair the G20 in 2013, and we must use this opportunity to better coordinate the work of the G20 and other multilateral structures, above all the G8 and, of course, the UN. The Europe factor Russia is an inalienable and organic part of Greater Europe and European civilization. Our citizens think of themselves as Europeans. We are by no means indifferent to developments in united Europe. Likewise, it is clear that the prospects of the entire global economic structure depend heavily on the state of affairs in Europe. Russia is actively participating in the international effort to support the ailing European economies, and is consistently working with its partners to formulate collective decisions under the auspices of the IMF.
Russia is not opposed in principle to direct financial assistance in some cases. At the same time I believe that external financial injections can only partially solve the problem. A true solution will require energetic, system-wide measures. European leaders face the task of effecting large-scale transformations that will fundamentally change many financial and economic mechanisms to ensure genuine budget discipline. We have a stake in ensuring a strong EU, as envisioned by Germany and France. It is in our interests to realize the enormous potential of the Russia-EU partnership. The current level of cooperation between Russia and the European Union does not correspond to current global challenges, above all making our shared continent more competitive. I propose again that we work toward creating a harmonious community of economies from Lisbon to Vladivostok, which will, in the future, evolve into a free trade zone and even more advanced forms of economic integration. The resulting common continental market would be worth trillions of euros. Does anyone doubt that this would be a wonderful development, and that it would meet the interests of both Russians and Europeans?
We must also consider more extensive cooperation in the energy sphere, up to and including the formation of a common European energy complex. These projects have the support of many governments and involve major European energy companies. Once the pipelines start operating at full capacity, Europe will have a reliable and flexible gas-supply system that does not depend on the political whims of any nation. This is particularly relevant in the light of the decision of some European states to reduce or renounce nuclear energy. The Third Energy Package, backed by the European Commission and aimed at squeezing out integrated Russian companies, is frankly not conducive to stronger relations between Russia and the EU. Considering the growing instability of energy suppliers that could act as an alternative to Russia, the package aggravates the systemic risks to the European energy sector and scares away potential investors in new infrastructure projects. Many European politicians have been critical of the package in their talks with me. We should summon the courage to remove this obstacle to mutually beneficial cooperation. I believe that genuine partnership between Russia and the European Union is impossible as long as there are barriers that impede human and economic contacts, first and foremost visa requirements. The abolition of visas would give powerful impetus to real integration between Russia and the EU, and would help expand cultural and business ties, especially between medium-sized and small businesses.
The threat to Europeans from Russian economic migrants is largely imagined. Our people have opportunities to put their abilities and skills to use in their own country, and these opportunities are becoming ever more numerous. In December 2011 we agreed with the EU on "joint steps" toward a visa-free regime. They can and should be taken without delay. We should continue to actively pursue this goal. Russian-American affairs In recent years a good deal has been done to develop Russian-American relations. Even so, we have not managed to fundamentally change the matrix of our relations, which continue to ebb and flow. The instability of the partnership with America is due in part to the tenacity of some well-known stereotypes and phobias, particularly the perception of Russia on Capitol Hill. But the main problem is that bilateral political dialogue and cooperation do not rest on a solid economic foundation. The current level of bilateral trade falls far short of the potential of our economies.
The same is true of mutual investments. We have yet to create a safety net that would protect our relations against ups and downs. We should work on this. Nor is mutual understanding strengthened by regular U. Why does that system worry us more than others? Because it affects the strategic nuclear deterrence forces that only Russia possesses in that theatre, and upsets the military-political balance established over decades. The inseparable link between missile defense and strategic offensive weapons is reflected in the New START treaty signed in 2010. The treaty has come into effect and is working fairly well. It is a major foreign policy achievement. We are ready to consider various options for our joint agenda with the Americans in the field of arms control in the coming period.
In this effort we must seek to balance our interests and renounce any attempts to gain one-sided advantages through negotiations. In 2007, during a meeting with President Bush in Kennebunkport, I proposed a solution to the missile defense problem, which, if adopted, would have changed the customary character of Russian-American relations and opened up a positive path forward. Moreover, if we had managed to achieve a breakthrough on missile defense, this would have opened the floodgates for building a qualitatively new model of cooperation, similar to an alliance, in many other sensitive areas. It was not to be. Perhaps it would be useful to look back at the transcripts of the talks in Kennebunkport. In recent years the Russian leadership has come forward with other proposals to resolve the dispute over missile defense. These proposals still stand. I am loath to dismiss the possibility of reaching a compromise on missile defense. One would not like to see the deployment of the American system on a scale that would demand the implementation of our declared countermeasures. I recently had a talk with Henry Kissinger.
I meet with him regularly. In general, we are prepared to make great strides in our relations with the U. Economic diplomacy In December of last year, Russia finally concluded its marathon accession to the WTO, which lasted for many years. I must mention that, in the finishing stretch, the Obama administration and the leaders of some major European states made a significant contribution to achieving the final accords. To be honest, at times during this long and arduous journey we wanted to turn our backs on the talks and slam the door. But we did not succumb to emotion. As a result a compromise was reached that is quite acceptable for our country: we managed to defend the interests of Russian industrial and agricultural producers in the face of growing external competition. Our economic actors have gained substantial additional opportunities to enter world markets and uphold their rights there in a civilized manner.