Апеллируя в речи к национальному сознанию, Геббельс, возможно, ориентировался на Сталина, который через двенадцать дней после германского нападения на СССР в своём радиообращении объявил войну СССР против Германии «Великой Отечественной войной»[1]. Особого внимания заслуживают интересные высказывания всем известного немецкого политика и оратора Гитлера, который высказывался на многие темы, начиная от народа и заканчивая темой любви. Последние записи: Лабиринт английский для детей Учебник по немецкому языку для детей Оператор declare в PHP: объявление констант. Hitler Quotes. Here are some of the best quotes ever said by Adolf Hitler. Most of them are taken from his speeches and others from his own published writings. But unlike other sites on the Internet that maintain a similar collection of Hitler quotations, this page actually quotes the date when it was said. Adolf Hitler said in a speech: Wenn es dem internationalen Finanzjudentum in und außerhalb Europas gelingen sollte, die Völker noch einmal in einen Weltkrieg zu stürzen, dann wird das Ergebnis nicht der Sieg des Judentums sein, sondern die Vernichtung der jüdischen Rasse in Europa! If international.
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Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат)
Все мне лгут, даже СС! Was Sie da sagen, ist ungeheuerlich. Sie ist ohne Ehre! У них нет чести! Es hat mir jeden erdenklichen Widerstand in den Weg gelegt!
Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige. Bolschewismus, das uneheliche Kind des Christentums.
Seien Sie vorsichtig mit Menschen, sie sind unberechenbar. Die Grenzen aller Staaten sind nur das Ergebnis eines politischen Kampfes. Антон Усов.
In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property.
The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks. In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race. Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people.
The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole. As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed. The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population. I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success.
The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed. After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking. I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome. In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery.
My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once. Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and wreaked terrible havoc among them. It must give rise to unlimited faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years War to less than four millions.
Let us also remember that this once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated, that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number. The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life. The fields were ploughed once more. Songs were heard along the countryside, in concord with the rhythm of that work which brought new life and livelihood to the people. Let us look back over the development, or at least that part of it known to us, through which our people have passed since those dim historic ages down to the present time.
We shall then recognize how puny is all the fuss that these weakling fools make who immediately begin to talk about the collapse of the economic structure—and hence of human existence—the first moment a piece of printed paper loses its face value somewhere in the world. Germany and the German people have mastered many a grave catastrophe. Of course, we must admit that the right men were always needed to formulate the necessary measures and enforce them without paying any attention to those negative persons who always think that they know more than others. A bevy of parliamentarian weaklings are certainly not the kind of men to lead a nation out of the slough of distress and despair. I firmly believed and was solemnly convinced that the economic catastrophe would be mastered in Germany as soon as the people could be got to believe in their own immortality as a people and as soon as they realized that the aim and purpose of all economic effort is to save and maintain the life of the nation. But unfortunately I have observed that the worst theorists are always busy in those quarters where theory has no place at all and where practical life counts for everything.
It goes without saying that in the economic sphere and with the passing of time experience has given rise to the employment of certain definite principles and also definite methods of work which have been proved to be productive of good results. But all methods and principles are subject to the time element. To make hard-and-fast dogmas out of practical methods would deprive the human faculties and working power of that elasticity which alone enables them to face changing demands by changing the means of meeting them accordingly and thus mastering them. There were many persons among us who busied themselves, with that perseverance which is characteristic of the Germans, in an effort to formulate dogmas from economic methods and then raise that dogmatic system to a branch of our university curriculum, under the title of national economy. According to the pronouncements issued by these national economists, Germany was irrevocably lost. It is a characteristic of all dogmatists that they vigorously reject any new dogma.
In other words, they criticize any new piece of knowledge that may be put forward and reject it as mere theory. For the last eigtheen [sic] years we have been witnessing a rare spectacle. Our economic dogmatists have been proved wrong in almost every branch of practical life and yet they repudiate those who have actually overcome the economic crisis, as propagators of false theories and damn them accordingly. You all know the story of the doctor who told a patient that he could live only for another six months. Ten years afterwards the patient met the physician; but the only surprise which the latter expressed at the recovery of the patient was to state that the treatment which the second doctor gave the patient was entirely wrong. The German economic policy which National Socialism introduced in 1933 is based on some fundamental considerations.
In the relations between economics and the people, the people alone is the only unchangeable element. Economic activity in itself is no dogma and never can be such. There is no economic theory or opinion which can claim to be considered as sacrosanct. The will to place the economic system at the service of the people, and capital at the service of economics, is the only thing that is of decisive importance here. We know that National Socialism vigorously combats the opinion which holds that the economic structure exists for the benefit of capital and that the people are to be looked upon as subject to the economic system. We were therefore determined from the very beginning to exterminate the false notion that the economic system could exist and operate entirely freely and entirely outside of any control or supervision on the part of the State.
Today there can no longer be such a thing as an independent economic system. That is to say, the economic system can no longer be left to itself exclusively. And this is so, not only because it is unallowable from the political point of view but also because, in the purely economic sphere itself, the consequences would be disastrous. It is out of the question that millions of individuals should be allowed to work just as they like and merely to meet their own needs; but it is just as impossible to allow the entire system of economics to function according to the notions held exclusively in economic circles and thus made to serve egotistic interests. Then there is the further consideration that these economic circles are not in a position to bear the responsibility for their own failures. In its modern phase of the development, the economic system concentrates enormous masses of workers in certain special branches and in definite local areas.
New inventions or a slump in the market may destroy whole branches of industry at one blow. The industrialist may close his factory gates. He may even try to find a new field for his personal activities. In most cases he will not be ruined so easily. Moreover, the industrialists who have to suffer in such contingencies are only a small number if individuals. But on the other side there are hundreds of thousands of workers, with their wives and children.
Who is to defend their interests and care for them? The whole community of the people? Indeed, it is its duty to do so. Therefore the whole community cannot be made to bear the burden of economic disasters without according it the right of influencing and controlling economic life and thus avoiding catastrophes. It was exclusively a problem of how industrial lab our could best be employed on the one side and, on the other, how our agricultural resources could be utilized. This is first and foremost a problem of organization.
Phrases, such as the freedom of the economic system, for example, are no help. What we have to do is use all available means at hand to make production possible and open up fields of activity for our working energies. If this can be successfully done by the economic leaders themselves, that is to say by the industrialists, then we are content. But if they fail the folk-community, which in this case means the State, is obliged to step in for the purpose of seeing that the working energies of the nation are employed in such a way that what they produce will be of use to the nation, and the State will have to devise the necessary measures to assure this. In this respect the State may do everything; but one thing it cannot do—-and this was the actual state of affairs we had to face—-is to allow 12. For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what gives money its value.
This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production I increase the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out. Members of the Reichstag: Within the past four years we have increased German production to an extraordinary degree in all branches. And the whole German nation benefits by this increase. For it there is a demand today for very many million tons of coal more than formerly, this is not for the purpose of superheating the houses of a few millionaires to a couple of thousand degrees, but rather because millions of our German countrymen are thus enabled to purchase more coal for themselves with their increased income.
By giving employment to millions of German workers who had hitherto been idle, the National Socialist Revolution has brought about such a gigantic increase in German production. That rise in our total national income guarantees the market value of the goods produced. And only in such cases where we could not increase this production, owing to certain conditions that were beyond our control, there have been shortages from time to time; but these bear no proportion whatsoever to the general success of the National Socialist struggle. The four-year plan is the most striking manifestation of the systematic way in which our economic life is being conducted. In particular this plan will provide permanent employment in the internal circulation of our economic life for those masses of German lab our that are now being released from the armament industry. One sign of the gigantic economic development which has taken place is that in many industries today it is quite difficult to find sufficient skilled workmen.
I am thankful that this is so; because it will help to place the importance of the worker as a man and as a working force in its proper light; and also because in doing so—though there are other motives also—we have a chance of making the activities of the party and its unions better understood and thus securing stronger and more willing support. Seeing that we insist on the national importance of the function which our economic system fulfils, it naturally follows that the former disunion between employer and employee can no longer exist. But the new State will not and does not wish to assume the role of entrepreneur. It will regulate the working strength of the nation only in so far as such regulation is necessary for the common good. And it will supervise conditions and methods of working only in so far as this is in the interests of all those engaged in work. Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize economic life.
The economic effects that follow from every real and practical initiative benefit the people as a whole. At the present moment an inventor or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community. For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life, strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists State repudiates the right of economic coercion.
Above all contracting parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests of the people. The practical results of this economic policy of ours are already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic. While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense. Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded.
The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary to take the child from the control of that small cell of social life which is the family and entrust his further training to the community itself.
The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all, it has made this education independent of the question of age. In other words, the education of the individual can never end. Therefore it is the duty of the folk-community to see that this education and higher training must always be along lines that help the community to fulfil its own task, which is the maintenance of the race and nation. For that reason we must insist that all organs of education which may be useful for the instruction and training of the people have to fulfil their duty towards the community. Such organs or organizations are: Education of the Youth, Young Peoples Organization, Hitler Youth, Lab our Front, Party and Army—all these are institutions for the education and higher training of our people. The book press and the newspaper press, lectures and art, the theatre and the cinema, they are all organs of popular education.
What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in this sphere is astounding. Think only of the following: — The whole body of our German education, including the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of our own race. Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world.
Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the nation. German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and constructive will of this epoch. It is very remarkable how the German people have become immune from those destructive tendencies under which another world is suffering. Many of our organizations which were not understood at all a few years ago are now accepted as a matter of course: the Young people, the Hitler Youth, BDM. This consolidation of the internal life of our German nation also establishes a united front towards the outside world. I believe that it is here that the National Socialist Revival has produced the most marvelous results.
Four years ago, when I was entrusted with the Chancellorship and therewith the leadership of the nation, I took upon myself the bitter duty of restoring the honour of a nation which for fifteen years had been forced to live as a pariah among the other nations of the world.
There was a danger that Poles and Germans would regard each other as hereditary enemies. I wanted to prevent this. I know well enough that I should not have been successful if Poland had had a democratic Constitution. For these democracies which indulge in phrases about peace are the most bloodthirsty war agitators.
In Poland there ruled no democracy, but a man; and with him I succeeded, in precisely twelve months, in coming to an agreement which, for ten years in the first instance, entirely removed the danger of a conflict. We are all convinced that this agreement will bring lasting pacification. We realise that here are two peoples which must live together and neither of which can do away with the other. A people of 33 millions will always strive for an outlet to the sea. A way for understanding, then, had to be found; it has been found; and it will be ever further extended.
Certainly things were hard in this area. The nationalities and small national groups frequently quarrelled among themselves. But the main fact is that the two Governments, and all reasonable and clear-sighted persons among the two peoples and in the two countries, possess the firm will and determination to improve their relations. It was a real work of peace, of more worth than all the chattering in the League of Nations Palace at Geneva. There can scarcely be any difference of opinion to-day among the true friends of peace with regard to the value of this agreement.
One only needs to ask oneself what might have happened to Europe if this agreement, which brought such relief, had not been entered into five years ago. In signing it, this great Polish marshal and patriot rendered his people just as great a service as the leaders of the National Socialist State rendered the German people. During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe. The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents.
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- Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года: d_34 — LiveJournal
- Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
Адольф Гитлер цитаты
speech to the Reichstag. September 15, 1935. On behalf of the German Reich Government, I have requested Reichstag President Pg. Goring to convene for today a session of the German Reichstag in Nuremberg. The place was chosen because, by virtue of the National Socialist. On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. исторические очерки, документы, материалы» (М., Изд. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком кричит.
служба утерянных цитат - 9
| Воззвание фюрера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 г. - Нацистская пропаганда против СССР. | Крылатые фразы Гитлера. Высказывание Гитлера на немецком. |
| Выдержки из стенографической записи высказываний Гитлера | Особого внимания заслуживают интересные высказывания всем известного немецкого политика и оратора Гитлера, который высказывался на многие темы, начиная от народа и заканчивая темой любви. |
| Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом | Особого внимания заслуживают интересные высказывания всем известного немецкого политика и оратора Гитлера, который высказывался на многие темы, начиная от народа и заканчивая темой любви. |
| Hitler Speech on Foreign Policy (1937) | Die große Zeit ist jetzt angebrochen. Deutschland ist nun erwacht. Die Macht haben wir nun in Deutschland gewonnen, nun gilt es das deutsche Volk zu gewinnen. Ich weiß, obwohl die hundert tausenden von euch die ihr jetzt zuhört in ganz Deutschland das in hundertausenden von euch in. |
| служба утерянных цитат - 9 | A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937. |
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. История праздника, Традиции праздника, Тосты и Подарки, Интересные факты. Discover Adolf Hitler famous and rare quotes. Share military quotes by Adolf Hitler and quotations about war and lying. "Tell a lie loud enough and long enough ". Адольф Гитлер (1889-1945) был диктатором Германии с 1933 по 1945 годы и является одним из ключевых персонажей Второй мировой войны. Воззвание Фюрера к Германскому Народу и Нота Министерства Иностранных Дел Германии Советскому Правительству с приложениями.
Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года
The National Socialist State has consented to very great sacrifices indeed, very great national sacrifices for the sake of European peace; not only has it not cherished so-called thoughts of revenge, but on the contrary it has banished them from all its public and private life. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. For twenty years there was the opportunity for the Czechoslovak government of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected by the Czechs - proposals of giving the Sudeten German minority a humane treatment and the respect they deserve. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria.
It was all in vain. I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this. For six months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings.
I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves. An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events. I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the Italian Government. Mussolini proposed a conference of the major powers in Munich.
Mussolini agreed on the cession to Germany of the Sudeten German territory and the measures consequent thereon, and by this agreement the Czechoslovak government was to be hold responsible for the steps necessary to secure its fulfilment. For a whole day I sat in my Government and waited to see whether the Czech government would abide to the agreement the major powers of Europe had concluded in order to prevent a major war in Europe. Deputies, if the German Government and its Leader patiently endured such treatment Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice. I, therefore, decided last night and informed the British Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any willingness on the part of the Czechoslovak Government to conduct serious negotiations with us. These proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of all, came as an answer the sudden Czechoslovak general mobilization, followed by more Czech atrocities.
These were again repeated last night. Recently there have been as many as twenty-one incidents in which Czech military formations have killed innocent Sudeten Germans without provocations. Last night there were fourteen, of which one was quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to Czechoslovakia in the same language that Czechoslovakia for months past has used toward us and the Sudeten German minority. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change. The other European States understand in part our attitude.
Оставьте свое мнение в комментарии под роликом. Подписывайтесь на канал, и не забудьте поставить колокольчик. Впереди вас ждет много чего интересного и полезного. Начните свою жизнь - по новому и с чистого листа.
The art of Greece reached its highest level when the young state had triumphed over invading Persian armies. Construction of the Acropolis began at that time.
Rome became the city of art after the end of the Punic Wars, and Germany built her cathedrals, as in Worms, Speyer and Limburg, when the German Empire under Salians had achieved its greatest triumphs. We can follow this connection to our time. We know that art, for example the beauty of German towns, always depended on political development of these towns; that it was political considerations which moved Napoleon III to regulating of the Boulevards and Friedrich the Great to establishing Unter den Linden. Similarly in Munich where it was obvious that the city could not become an industrial center and so art was chosen to elevate the rank of the city, which now everyone who wants to get to know Germany must visit. The case was similar with other arts. The moment the small, powerless statelets began to unite into one state, then also one German art, proud of itself, began to grow.
The works of Richard Wagner appeared in the period when shame and powerlessness were replaced by a unified, great German Reich. And so, not just art is dependent on the state, on the politics of the state; the same is the case with work itself because only a sound state is in the position to give the opportunity of working to its citizens and let them use their talents. The opposite is the case with the race in relation to everything else. A state with a rotten, sick and unsound race will never produce great works of art or make great politics, or at least bask in abundance. Each of these factors depends on the others. And only when all of them complement each other, can we say: There is harmony in the state, the way we Germanics understand it.
Can the Jew build a state? Now we have to ask ourselves the question: How about the Jew as a state builder? Does the Jew possess the power to create a state? First we must examine his attitude to work, find out how he perceives the principle of work, and excuse me if I now take a book called The Bible. I am not claiming that all its contents are necessarily true, as we know that Jewry was very liberal in writing it. One thing, however, is certain: it has not been written by an antisemite.
Laughter It is very important because no antisemite would have been able to write a more terrible indictment against the Jewish race than the Bible, the Old Testament. Ladies and Gentlemen! Already here we see that the whole world lies between us; we could never conceive of work as a punishment — otherwise we would all have been convicts. We do not want to conceive of work as punishment. I must confess: I would not have been able to exist without work, and hundreds of thousands and millions would have been able to withstand perhaps 3 or 5 days, maybe even 10, but not 90 or 100 days without any activity. If Paradise really existed, the Land of Plenty, then our people would have been unhappy in it.
Calls: Hear, hear We Germans seek constantly a possibility to do something and if we cannot find anything, at least from time to time we hit one another in the face. Laughter We are unable to bear absolute rest. Thus we see, already here, a big difference. Because a Jew has written this, true or not is unimportant because it still reflects the opinion which Jewry has about work. For them work is not an obvious ethical duty but at most a means to sustenance. In our eyes, this is not work because in this case any activity serving self-preservation, without regard to fellow men, might be called work.
And we know that this work, in the past, consisted of plundering of caravans, and today in planned plundering of indebted farmers, industrialists and workers. The form has changed but the principle is the same. We do not call it work, but robbery. Calls: Hear, hear When already such a basic notion separates us, here comes another. I have already explained that in the long period in the North the races became purified. This means that all the inferior and weak gradually died out and only the soundest remained.
Also, here the Jew differs from us because he has not become purified but instead practiced inbreeding; he multiplied greatly but only in narrow circles, and without selection. And therefore we see a generation which is plagued by defects caused by inbreeding. Finally, the Jew does not possess the third factor: The inner spiritual life. I do not need to explain here what a Jew generally looks like. You all know him. Laughter You know his constant restlessness that never gives him a possibility to concentrate and have a spiritual experience.
In the most solemn moments he flickers his eyes and one can see that even during the most beautiful opera he is calculating dividends. Laughter The Jew has never had his own art. Hear, hear His own temple has been built by foreign builders: The first was the Assyrians, and for the building of the second — the Roman artists. He has not left anything which might be called art, no buildings, nothing. We shall not conceal that today he has many famous conductors whose fame he can thank the well-organized Jewish Press for. Laughter When a nation does not possess these three traits, it is not able to create states.
And that is true because throughout centuries the Jew was always a nomad. He has never had what we might call a state. On the one side, there was always a great chasm between the tribes of Judah and Caleb and the northern Israeli tribes, and only David, for the first time, succeeded in gradually bridging the chasm through the unitary cult of Yahweh. We know precisely that this cult has at a very late time chosen for itself Jerusalem as its sole seat. Only from that moment have the Jewish people gotten a center, like Berlin or New York or Warsaw today. Because a people which does not want to work — the often hard work of building and maintaining a state — to work in mines, factories, in construction etc.
Such a people will never establish a state but prefers to live in some other state where others work and he acts as an intermediary in business, a dealer in the best case, or in good German — a robber, a nomad who undertakes robbing raids just like in ancient times. Lively bravo! Efforts are made to explain that so and so many Jews have been found that want to go there as farmers, workers, even soldiers. Laughter If these people really have this urge in themselves, Germany today needs these ideal men as turf cutters and coal miners; they could take part in building our water power plants, our lakes etc. The whole Zionist state will be nothing else than the perfect high school for their international criminals, and from there they will be directed. And every Jew will, of course, have immunity as a citizen of the Palestinian state Laughter and he will of course keep our citizenship.
But when caught red-handed, he will not be a German Jew any longer but a citizen of Palestine. Laughter One can almost say that the Jew cannot help it because everything stems from his race. A Jew is everywhere a Jew; consciously or unconsciously, he resolutely represents the interests of his race. Thus we can see the two great differences between races: Aryanism means ethical perception of work and that which we today so often hear — socialism, community spirit, common good before own good. Jewry means egoistic attitude to work and thereby mammonism and materialism, the opposite of socialism. He cannot do otherwise, whether he wants to or not.
And thereby he is unable to create his own state because it requires a lot of social sense. He is only able to live as a parasite in the states of others. He lives as a race amongst other races, in a state within others states. And we can see very precisely that when a race does not possess certain traits which must be hereditary, it not only cannot create a state but must act as a destroyer, no matter if a given individual is good or evil. The Jewish path of destruction We can follow this fate of Jewry from the earliest prehistory. It is not important if there is truth in every word of the Bible.
In general, it gives us at least an extract of the history of Jewry. We see how the Jews present themselves because the Jew wrote these words quite innocuously. It did not appear to him as outrageous when a race, through cunning and deceit, invaded and despoiled other races, was always finally expelled and, unoffended, sought to repeat the same elsewhere. They pimped and haggled even when it came to their ideals, always ready to offer even their own families. We know that not long ago a gentleman was staying here, Sigmund Fraenkel, who has just written that it is quite unjust to accuse Jews of a materialistic spirit. One should only look at their sunny family life.
However, this intimate family life did not prevent Grandfather Abraham from pimping off his own wife to the Pharaoh of Egypt in order to be able to do business. Laughter As was the grandfather, so was the father and so were the sons who never neglected their business. And you can be sure that they are not neglecting the business even as we speak. Who among you was a soldier, he will remember Galicia or Poland: There, at the train stations, these Abrahams were everywhere. Laughter and hand clapping They penetrated into other races for millennia. And we know very well that wherever they stayed long enough symptoms of decay appeared and the peoples could do nothing else than to liberate themselves from the uninvited guest or to disappear themselves.
Heavy plagues came over the nations, no less then ten in Egypt — the same plague we experience today firsthand — and finally the Egyptians lost their patience. When the chronicler describes that the Jews were suffering when they finally left, we know differently, for as soon as they were out, they began to long after coming back. Laughter It seems that they did not have it so badly. And just as you are not going to see this race voluntarily do it, so there was nothing left to the Egyptians but to force them. What hundreds of thousands of others do as a matter of course, means for the Jew another chapter of suffering and persecution. Still later, the Jew was able to infiltrate the then soaring Roman Empire.
We can still see his traces in southern Italy.
Das Gewissen haben die Juden erfunden. Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige. Bolschewismus, das uneheliche Kind des Christentums. Seien Sie vorsichtig mit Menschen, sie sind unberechenbar. Die Grenzen aller Staaten sind nur das Ergebnis eines politischen Kampfes.
Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
Jeder hat mich belogen, sogar die SS! Армия мне лжет! Все мне лгут, даже СС! Was Sie da sagen, ist ungeheuerlich. Sie ist ohne Ehre!
We are here not to express sympathy for the Jews, but only to express sympathy for our own German people. As the German people again has sacrificed 160,000 dead in the eastern campaign, so the originators of this conflict must pay with their own lives. They said to us in Berlin: why are you giving us all this trouble? Liquidate them yourselves!... We must destroy the Jews wherever we find them. Without receiving a written order from Hitler, he understood that the Jews were to be exterminated, although the details had not been worked out at that time. He characterized the war as a "fight for the whole of Europe and, thereby, for the whole of civilized humanity" and a race war between Jews and " Aryans " before referencing the prophecy [124] [m] and added, "The hour will come, when the most evil enemy of the world of all time will have played his last part in Europe for at least a thousand years. He instructed Gauleiter Adolf Wagner to read a statement, in which Hitler implied that even if the war was lost, his prophecy would be fulfilled. In these matters, one must not give way to sentimentality. If we did not fight them, the Jews would destroy us. It is a life-and-death struggle between the Aryan race and the Jewish bacillus. I can promise only one thing. They will stop laughing everywhere. And with this prophecy as well I will be proved right. He concludes that "all indicated that he had ordered and was then implementing the destruction of the Jews". About 125,000 copies of the newspaper were printed and posted in public places to be viewed by millions of people. Herf acknowledges that there is no reliable evidence as to "how many people had the intellectual curiosity, political acumen, and moral courage to conclude that this wall newspaper was an announcement of mass murder". He argued that Germany lost World War I because it did not understand the great danger posed by internal enemies and the Jews; Nazi Germany would win its war against the " half-Jew Roosevelt" because it had been enlightened. On 18 February 1943, Goebbels delivered the total war speech at the Sportpalast.
Для немцев будут сооружены отдельные гостиницы, недоступные для местных жителей. Пусть тогда плюют, куда хотят, нам это безразлично. Предоставив жителей самим себе, мы сможем избежать ненужных столкновений с ними по поводу образа их жизни и создать себе наилучшие предпосылки для строительства наших собственных замкнутых немецких центров. Глядя на украинских детей, подчеркнул он, трудно предположить, что впоследствии их лица примут плоские, славянские черты. Дети, как и большинство людей восточнобалтийского типа, светловолосы и голубоглазы; кроме того, они толстощекие и круглотелые, так что выглядят поистине мило. В противоположность им, наши дети - преимущественно нордического типа, в раннем возрасте они похожи на молодых жеребят: неуклюжие, со слишком тонкими и длинными ногами, угловатыми телами и лицами! А по внешности украинских детей нельзя предположить, сколь сильно впоследствии опошляются и огрубляются их лица. Кроме того, подчеркнул рейхслейтер Борман, когда ездишь по тем местам, встречаешь мало мужчин, но неимоверно много детей. Это обилие детей, продолжал он, может нам в будущем дорого обойтись. Ведь этим обилием отличается раса, которая воспитана в гораздо более суровых привычках, чем наш собственный народ. Здесь нигде не видно людей в очках, у большинства отличные зубы, питание у них хорошее, и похоже, что все они, от мала до велика, обладают отличным здоровьем. Значит, нам было бы выгодно добиться такого положения, при котором эти русские или так называемые украинцы не размножались бы столь быстро. Мы ведь собираемся через какое-то время заселить всю эту бывшую русскую землю немцами. Шеф заметил по этому поводу, что в какой-то статье было недавно высказано предложение запретить в оккупированных восточных областях продажу и употребление средств против беременности. Если и вправду, продолжал шеф, какой-нибудь идиот вздумает осуществить на практике подобную меру в оккупированных восточных областях, то он, шеф, расстреляет его собственной рукой. При обилии детей у местного населения мы можем лишь желать, сказал шеф, чтобы незамужние и замужние женщины возможно чаще прибегали к аборту. Необходимо поэтому не только допустить бойкую торговлю противозачаточными средствами в восточных областях, но и всячески ее поощрять, поскольку мы ни в малейшей мере не заинтересованы в увеличении ненемецкого населения. А в первую очередь необходимо в этом деле форсировать помощь евреям. Опасность дальнейшей интенсификации размножения местного населения при нашем господстве несомненна, сказал далее шеф. Ведь при немецком руководстве совершенно неизбежно, что все условия жизни местных жителей значительно улучшатся, а гарантия от заболеваний повысится. Поэтому крайне необходимо принять меры против увеличения ненемецкого населения. В этих условиях было бы, по мнению шефа, просто сумасбродством устраивать для ненемецкого населения оккупированных восточных областей систему здравоохранения, подобную немецкой. Не может быть и речи, сказал он, о прививках или каких-либо других профилактических медицинских мерах в отношении ненемецкого населения. Более того, у местных жителей следует пресекать даже стремление к подобным мерам охраны здоровья. Необходимо поэтому способствовать распространению среди них суеверий и слухов, согласно которым прививки и т. Далее чрезвычайно важно избегать всяких шагов, которые могли бы способствовать развитию у ненемецкого населения сознания, присущего повелителям. В этом отношении необходима особая осторожность, ибо одной из важнейших предпосылок нашей работы является как раз выработка у населения покоренных районов сознания, противоположного тому, которое присуще повелителям. По этой причине ни в коем случае не следует допускать ненемецкое население к высшему образованию. Если мы впадем в подобную ошибку, то сами окажемся виновниками нарастающего сопротивления нашему господству. Впрочем, школы им нужно оставить, взимая плату за обучение. Только в них не должно быть никакого обучения, кроме как пониманию дорожно-транспортных знаков. Преподавание географии должно ограничиваться в общих чертах сведениями типа: «Столица империи - Берлин». Далее, каждый ученик один раз в своей жизни должен побывать в Берлине. В остальном будет совершенно достаточно, если ненемецкое население, например украинцы, научится немного читать и писать по-немецки. Обучение арифметике и т. Обучая ненемецкое население в школах, нельзя забывать, что и в этом случае целесообразно применять в оккупированных восточных областях те же методы, которые практикуют англичане в колониях. Поэтому всякая просвещенческая канитель, которая всегда возникает там, где появляются имперско-немецкие попы, совершенно бессмысленна. Генерал Иодль абсолютно прав, возражая против вывешивания щитов с надписями на украинском языке, запрещающими людям появляться на полотне железной дороги. Нам совершенно безразлично, задавят одним жителем меньше или больше. Если я за то, чтобы обучать местное население в школах немецкому языку, продолжал шеф, то лишь потому, что для успеха нашего управления необходимы известные языковые предпосылки. А то ведь каждый житель будет уклоняться от выполнения немецких распоряжений под тем предлогом, что «не понял» их. По этой же причине необходимо обучать в школе не тому алфавиту, которым пользовались до сих пор, а исключительно латинскому шрифту. Самой большой ошибкой с нашей стороны было бы проявлять слишком много заботы о местном населении. Существует опасение, что мы со временем, незаметно для самих себя, в связи с тамошними условиями жизни сползем на более мягкое отношение к жителям. Чтобы этого не произошло, необходимо целиком отделить немцев от местного населения. Проживание немцев в украинских городах следует запретить безоговорочно. Даже если вне украинских городов немцам придется жить в бараках, то и это лучше, чем размещение в пределах города. А то иначе через короткое время начнется уборка этих городов и т. Между тем русские и украинские города вовсе не следует как-то благоустраивать или тем более украшать. Ведь наша задача состоит не в том, чтобы одаривать местное население более высоким уровнем жизни. Поэтому в перспективе необходимо обеспечить немцам проживание в специально построенных городах и деревнях, строго изолированных от русского или украинского населения. По этой же причине, те дома, которые будут сооружаться для немцев, ни в коем случае не должны походить на русские или украинские; ни глиняная штукатурка, ни соломенные крыши не должны напоминать жителям немецких домов о русских или украинских прототипах. В коренной империи постепенно сложилось такое положение, при котором ко многим вещам стали прикладывать слишком мелкие мерки, стремясь решительно все регламентировать и обусловить заранее. Конечно, это произошло не в последнюю очередь оттого, что мы, немцы, располагаясь в своих старых границах, чуть ли не сидим друг на друге. Понятно, что полиции постоянно приходится вмешиваться в решение различных возникающих в повседневной жизни вопросов. Но вся эта регламентация таит в себе ту большую опасность, что если один из нас разобьет свои палатки за пределами германской империи, скажем, в одном из английских доминионов, то он буквально вздохнет, радуясь свободе движений и действий, а вслед за этим внутренне отдалится от своего немецкого отечества. Нам ни в коем случае не следует впадать в ошибку вечного регламентирования, когда мы будем осваивать оккупированные восточные территории. Если мы только не хотим - без всякой на то необходимости - восстановить против себя местное население, то нам следует ограничивать их индивидуальные жизненные склонности только в той мере, в какой это безусловно диктуется нашими интересами. В коренной империи мы уже дошли до того, что Берлин стремится вмешаться в назначение каждого бургомистра по всей территории империи. Кто-то запретил даже общества по разведению собак, и шефу пришлось персонально вмешаться, чтобы освободить от запрета «собачьи организации». Регламентирование в границах коренной империи скоро зайдет так далеко, что, пожалуй, Берлин станет издавать уставы и для союзов по разведению майских жуков, предписывая методы делопроизводства, учета материальных ценностей, ведения финансовых дел и т. Что касается оккупированных восточных областей, заявил далее шеф, то Берлин должен издавать лишь принципиально важные директивы. По текущим вопросам решения должны приниматься соответствующими областными комиссарами. Чтобы избежать в оккупированных восточных областях излишнего регламентирования, необходимо принять еще одну меру, продолжал шеф, а именно - ограничить до самого минимального предела штаты немецких управлений в этих областях. В результате областному комиссару волей-неволей придется наладить широкий контакт с руководителями местных общин.
Jedermann trifft eine Wahl im Leben. Ob sie richtig war, zeigt die Zeit. Я лучше умру на собственных условиях, чем стану жить по их правилам. Ich sterbe lieber unter meinen Bedingungen, statt mit ihren Regeln zu leben. И никто не узнает, как грустит ночами душа, которая днем смеется. Und niemand wird wissen, wie traurig in der Nacht die Seele ist, die am Tage lacht. Только потом ты понимаешь, что многое сказал зря. Nur danach verstehst du, dass du vieles unbedacht gesagt hast. Никто не хорош настолько, чтобы учить других. Niemand ist gut genug dazu, um die anderen zu lehren. Раскрывая людям душу, помни, что ты мало кому нужен. Чем шире ты открываешь объятия, тем легче тебя распять. Каждая потеря оставляет шрам на душе, но делает тебя сильнее. Вернуть можно многое, но слова никак.
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg
On the other side an old freemason, who only believes in a war, to be able to salvage his bankrupt economy, perhaps, or at least to gain time. Thus both states again stand face to face with the same foe... And then, in addition, there is still a third thing-I have mentioned it today also: in both cases they are men, two men, who have come from the people... In the last few weeks... I have read about the history of the Italian Fascist Revolution, and it seemed to me as if I had the history of my own party before me, so similar, so identical, that... And now finally the third state has joined us, another state with which we have always wanted to have good relations for the past many years. You all know it from "Mein Kampf"-Japan.
Now the three great Have-Nots are united, and now we shall see who... For, what does England want to gain? What does America want to gain? What do they want to gain? They have so much that they do not know what to do with what they have. A few persons per square kilometer need much more for all the cares which we are not the ones to have.
A single poor harvest means for our national decades plundered, exploited, crushed, and in spite of that they could not eliminate their own economic need. They have raw materials, as much as they are willing to use, and they do not complete it, with their problems actually to found something reasonable in society, to the one who has everything and the one who wants to take from the other fellow who has hardly anything practically the last thing he owns, or to the one who defends that which he honors as his last possession. Pray to God that he must send Bolshevism over Europe as a scourge. We wish only to say, "It will not come over Germany but whether it will come over England is another story. We have never done anything to England, France, we have never done anything to America. Nevertheless there follows now in the year 1939 the declaration of war, and now it has gone further.
Now you must however out of my whole history understand me rightly. One sentence unintelligible. I said: "If the war is inevitable, then I should rather be the one to conduct it not because I thirst after this fame; on the contrary, I here gladly renounce that fame, which is in my eyes no fame at all. My fame, if Providence preserves my life, will consist in... But I think that if Providence has already disposed that I can do what must be done according to the inscrutable will of the Providence, then I can at least just ask Providence to entrust to me the burden of this war, to load it on me. I will beat it!
I will shrink from no responsibility; in every hour which... I will take this burden upon me. I will bear every responsibility, just as I have always borne them. It knows that I had endless plans in those years before the war. It sees everywhere the signs of works begun, and sometimes also the documents of completion. I know that this people trusts me.
I am happy to know it. But the German people may be persuaded also of one thing, that the year 1918, as long as I live, will never return. I am glad that so many allies have joined our soldiers: in Sweden, Italy, then in the north, Finland and the many other nations which are sending their sons here to the east, too,... Rumanians and Hungarians, Slovaks, Spaniards,... Already today, a European war, and finally in the East, as a new Ally, who has already... Cripps assured us a few days ago, in his loquacious manner, has been preparing itself for a fight with Germany.
I knew that. As soon as I had become certain that there was false play going on here, in the instant that I became aware that Mr. Churchill in his secret meetings was already considering this ally, within the hour in which Molotov left Berlin, and took his leave because he had been able to come to a shrewd agreement, at that moment, it became clear to me, that this conflict was inevitable. For this, too, I thank fate, that it placed me at the head of the Reich, so that I was in a position to strike the first blow. If one must fight, then I take the stand that the first blow is the decisive one. We can only wish Japan good luck, because instead of playing around for a long time with this lying nation, it started to fight immediately.
Now, our soldiers have been fighting in the East since June 22, a battle which will some day go into the chronicles of history as a hero-song of our people. He meant to drive the German U-boats out of the oceans gradually, by making new decrees of the American spheres of influence, and to limit them to a very small territory, which the British would then take care of with their naval forces. And, my fellow country-men, that is also the reason for the regression of the number of U-boat sinkings, but not at all the number of damages or sinkings by our U-boats. On the contrary, the latter has risen greatly. Also not the lack of our occupational forces, nor the impossibility of... You will understand that it has been a vindication for myself to decide whether one should finally conclude with the whole pack of lies for the sake of peace, and to bind oneself to the new limitations...
Japan has finally eliminated this necessity. Now there are U-boats on all the oceans of the world, now you will see how our submarines carry out their work, and however they may look, we are armed for everything, from North to South, from East to West. But about one thing they may be assured; as I have said before, today they are up against a different German people; now they are again up against Fredrichian people; we will fight where we stand, give no foot of ground, immediately push forward again. And we are, in fact, happy to know since yesterday that our General Rommel with his brave Italian and German panzers and men at the moment when they... That will continue to happen to them until the war has ended with our victory. With these two forces stands a third, our air-force.
Its fame is immortal. What they have accomplished in their efforts in the Arctic cold of the Far North, in the East, or in the heat of the desert, or in the West, is everywhere the same, a heroism that honors cannot glorify. There is just one thing which I must emphasize again and again; that is our infantry. And behind these forces stands a gigantic communications organization with tens of thousands of motor vehicles and railroads, and they are all going to work and will master even the hardest problems. For it is self-evident that the conversion from advance to defense in the East is not easy. It was not Russia that forced us to defense, but only 38 and 40 and 42 and sometimes 45 degrees below zero that did it.
And in this cold, there, troops which are not accustomed to it cannot fight as in the red heat of the desert... But at this time, when the difficult transition was necessary, I again looked upon it as my task to take upon my shoulders the responsibility for that, too. I wanted thereby to save my soldiers from something worse. And I want to assure them at this point, insofar as those who are on that icy front can hear me today: "I know the work you are doing. And I know also that the hardest lies behind us. Today is January 30.
The winter is the big hope of the Eastern enemy. It will not fulfill this hope for him. In four months we had fought almost to Moscow and Leningrad. Four months of Northern winter are now past. They have advanced a few kilometers at individual points and have made great sacrifices in blood and human lives there. They may be indifferent to that; but in a few weeks in the South the winter is going to break, and then the spring will move farther north, the ice will melt, and then the hour will come when the ground is again hard and firm, and when the new weapons will again flow there from our homeland, and when we shall beat them, and revenge those who now have fallen such lonely victims of the cold.
For I can tell you that the soldiers at the front have the feeling of... To compare him with them would be an insult. The decisive thing now is that this transition from attack to defense be successful, and I may say that it has been. These fronts, as you shall see, where a few individual Russians break through, and where they sometimes even believe that they are occupying localities, there are no localities, there are only ruins. What does this mean, in comparison to what we have occupied, what we are bringing in order, and what the next spring and from then on, will bring into order? Behind this front there is today a dignified German homeland.
I have recently, the other day, in view of this cold weather, appealed to the German people, for everything which had been prepared for protection against the frost has not sufficed. I wanted to express gratitude to the people themselves. This appeal then was also a plebiscite. While the others talk of democracy, this is true democracy. It has shown itself these days, when an entire people voluntarily sacrifices, and I know that so many small people, but this time also, many, many people, for whom this was difficult, and perhaps, formerly, seemed to find it impossible to part with a precious piece of fur, have today given it, with the knowledge that the most humble infantryman is of greater importance than the most costly fur. Whoever makes profits on the war in the Third Reich dies.
It is not a question of the hidden clothes, the poor infantryman who, perhaps, saves his hands by having warm gloves, or could be kept from freezing by a warm vest, which some one takes from home for him. I will here stand up for the interests of the soldiers, and I know that all the German nation stands behind me in this. And this January 30th. Whether or not the war will end this year I do not know; but I do know one thing. Wherever the foe may appear, he will this year be fought as before. It will again be a year of great victories; and even as I held the flag high before this, a all times, so I will hold it high even now; because,?
My German countrymen, my soldiers. We have a full of fame and glory behind us. One likes so much to draw analogies from it. In this fight German heroes have fought in similar situations, which also seemed hopeless. We should not draw any comparisons with former times, at all. We have no right to do so.
We have the strongest army in the world. We have the strongest air-force in the world. Frederick the Great had to fight against a preponderance of power, which was just as choking in his time. As he waged the first Silesian war, he had 2,700,000 Prussians in the state of 15 million people. A man with all his willpower stood up in spite of all reverses so that he never despaired of his success, and when he despaired, he wished to pull himself together again and then take the flag in his strong hands. How do we wish to speak of that to-day?
We have an opponent in front of us, who may have an immense numerical superiority, but we will rival him at least in the birthrate by spring and also in regard to weapons. And so it will be in all things, and above all we have Allies today. It is also no more the time of the World War. What Japan is accomplishing in the East alone, is, for us, beyond evaluation. No other way remains, but the way of battle and the way of success. That way may be hard, or it may be easy.
In no case, is it more difficult than the way our forefathers went. It will not be any easier from now on, and we may not expect that it should be less difficult than the task we have during the last few battles. Thus we feel the entire sacrifice which our soldiers are making. Who can understand that better than myself, who was once a soldier, too? I look upon myself as the first Musketeer of the Reich. I know definitely that the musketeer Infantryman fulfills his duty.
I fulfill my own duties also, unmistakably, and I understand all the sorrow of my comrades and know all that goes on with them. I cannot therefore use any phrase which they will misunderstand. I can only say one thing to them, the home-front knows what they have to go through. The home-front can well imagine what it means to lie in the snow and the frost in the cold of 35, 38, 40 and 42 degrees below zero Centigrade and defend our homes for us. But, because the home-front knows it, they will all do what they can to lighten your fate. They will work, and they will continue to work, and I will demand that the German patriots at home work and produce munitions, manufacture weapons, and make more munitions and more.
You remain at home, and many comrades lose their lives daily. Workers, work, manufacture, continue to work so that our means of communication, our transportation facilities can take them to the front from behind the lines. The front will hold, they will fulfill their duty.
К тому же и разрушения, причиненные городу бомбардировками с воздуха и артиллерийским обстрелом, внесли свою долю в дело его уничтожения. В будущем Нева должна стать границей между Финляндией и нами. Разрушению будут подвергнуты также ленинградские порты и верфи. Ибо стать хозяином в Балтийском море можно лишь в том случае, если оно превратится во внутреннее море Германии. И потому нужно раз и навсегда позаботиться о том, чтобы не осталось ни одного крупного порта на периферии нашей империи. Нечего говорить, что нам будет совершенно достаточно собственных портов и портов в Прибалтике для удовлетворения наших потребностей, так что нам вовсе не понадобятся ленинградские порты, замерзающие на целых полгода. Рейхсфюрер СС Гиммлер доложил в связи с этим, что принимает меры к пресечению всякой активности полячества, как наиболее стойкого в историческом аспекте народа; что с этой целью он зажимает полячество в железные клещи германцев. Он, рейхсфюрер СС, уже договорился с генерал-губернатором оккупированной Польши Франком заселить немцами Краковщину, включая и чисто немецкий главный город этой области, а также область Люблина. Именно с этих двух исходных позиций будет постепенно зажиматься в клещи полячество. Шеф заметил, что проявлять снисходительность к полячеству нет никаких оснований. Иначе придется испытать то же, что уже неоднократно имело место в истории прежних веков в связи с разделами Польши. Полячество существует до сих пор лишь потому, что ему не приходилось серьезно считаться с русскими, как с господствующей нацией, а также и потому, что ему удалось хитрыми маневрами занять такую политическую позицию по отношению к немцам, которая сделала полячество решающим фактором немецкой внутренней политики. А это играло на руку прежде всего политическому католицизму. В первую очередь, продолжал он, необходимо следить, чтобы немцы ни в коем случае не смешивались с поляками, не насыщали ведущие слои польского населения германской кровью. Рейхсфюрер СС совершенно прав, констатируя, что в 1939 г. Ведь давно известно, что именно наиболее способные выходцы из немцев всегда проникали в руководящий слой принимавшей их страны и тем самым оказывались потерянными для германства, между тем как в остававшихся на немецкой земле народных слоях сосредоточивались лишь ущербные индивиды, проявлявшие, однако, верность своему немецкому происхождению. Такую же осторожность, как с поляками, надо проявлять и в отношении чехов, которые уже более полутысячи лет набираются умения отлично играть в верноподданных, не вызывая недоверия. Ведь сколько чехов, с которыми шеф сталкивался в молодости, крутились в Вене, очень скоро овладевали венским диалектом, а затем умело проползали на важнейшие посты в государстве, экономике и т. Никогда не следует упускать из виду, заключил шеф, что подобную невидимую войну в условиях мира можно выиграть только в том случае, если мы будем поддерживать в империи высокий уровень расовой чистоты. Ведь наше преимущество по отношению, например, к США, которые лишь незначительно превосходят нас по числу населения, состоит в том, что наш германский расовый корень значительно выше, чем у них, составляя четыре пятых чистых германцев. Необходимо исходить из того, сказал шеф, что главная миссия этих народов - обслуживать нас экономически: поэтому мы должны стремиться всеми средствами выкачать из оккупированных русских областей все, что возможно в экономическом отношении. Нужно создать у русских определенный стимул для поставки сельскохозяйственных продуктов и предоставления нам рабочей силы для горнодобывающей промышленности и военного производства. Этого можно в достаточной мере добиться завозом на расположенные в России торговые базы промышленных товаров и т. Но если мы, заметил шеф, захотим сверх этого обеспечить благополучие каждого отдельного индивида, то нам не удастся обойтись без введения какой-то административной организации по образцу нашего государственного управления, а это вызовет лишь ненависть по отношению к нам. Ибо чем люди примитивнее, тем скорее воспринимают всякое ограничение их личной свободы как насилие. К тому же, создать у них государственную административную организацию означало бы обеспечить им возможность сплочения в крупные коллективы, а при случае и использовать эту организацию даже против нас. Поэтому самая высокая ступень административных учреждений, которую им можно позволить, это — общинное управление, да и то лишь в той мере, в какой оно необходимо для содержания рабочей силы, то есть для удовлетворения насущных потребностей отдельных индивидов. Также и сельские коллективы нужно, как указал шеф, организовать с таким расчетом, чтобы не могли возникнуть связи между соседними сельскими общинами. Во всех случаях необходимо запрещать устройство единых церквей для сколько-нибудь значительных русских территорий. Нашим интересам соответствовало бы такое положение, при котором каждая деревня имела бы собственную секту, где развивались бы свои особые представления о боге. Даже если в этом случае в отдельных деревнях возникнут шаманские культы, подобно негритянским или американо-индейским, то мы могли бы это только приветствовать, ибо это лишь увеличило бы количество факторов, дробящих русское пространство на мелкие единицы. Напомнив о своем мнении, что следует препятствовать всякой организации крупного государственного управления и что наши комиссары должны будут на Востоке лишь контролировать управление экономикой, шеф заметил далее, что уже тем самым отрицается всякая другая форма организации покоренных народов. Поэтому пусть не вздумает туда явиться какой-нибудь школьный деятель, чтобы вдруг провозгласить обязательное обучение покоренных народов. Если русские, украинцы, киргизы и т. Ибо подобные навыки дали бы возможность самым способным из них получить определенные знания в области истории и, следовательно, прийти к размышлениям политического свойства, острие которых было бы неизбежно направлено против нас. С точки зрения шефа, было бы разумнее установить в каждой деревне громкоговоритель, чтобы таким путем информировать людей о новостях и дать им пищу для разговоров; это лучше, чем допустить их к самостоятельному изучению политических, научных и т. И пусть никому не приходит в голову передавать покоренным народам по радио сведения из их прежней истории. Передавать следует музыку и еще раз музыку! Ибо веселая музыка способствует прилежной работе. А если люди смогут побольше плясать, то и это, по мнению шефа, должно, как правило, приветствоваться. Единственное, что следует централизованно организовать в оккупированных русских областях-это движение транспорта. Ибо освоение страны в транспортном отношении - одна из важнейших предпосылок к господству над нею и ее экономического использования. Поэтому систему транспортных узлов должны изучать и покоренные. Но это - единственная область, в которой они должны получать «образование» с нашей помощью. Что касается гигиены покоренных народов, то не в наших интересах, подчеркнул шеф, насаждать у них немецкие обычаи. Это дало бы им абсолютно нежелательные условия для колоссального прироста населения. Поэтому шеф запретил проводить на восточных территориях гигиенические мероприятия по немецкому образцу. Также и принудительная прививка должна в этих областях практиковаться только для немцев. Немецкие врачи будут лечить только немцев, в немецких поселениях. Было бы совершенно нелепо, продолжал шеф, пытаться осчастливить покоренные народы нашими знаниями в области зубной терапии. Но действовать следует осторожно, чтобы наши стремления не бросались в глаза. И если уж какой-то больной с абсолютной решимостью желает лечиться у дантиста, что ж, придется сделать для него исключение. Самая большая глупость, которую можно допустить в оккупированных восточных областях, добавил шеф,- это дать в руки покоренным народам оружие. История учит, что все господствующие народы погибли, разрешив покоренным народам доступ к оружию. Можно даже сказать, заключил шеф, что передача оружия покоренным народам есть необходимое и достаточное условие для гибели господствующих народов. Поэтому мы должны обеспечивать безопасность и порядок на всем оккупированном русском пространстве собственными силами. Следовательно, оккупированные восточные области должны быть пронизаны сетью военных баз. Все немцы, живущие на этих территориях, должны будут иметь личный контакт с базами, то есть ощущать свою персональную связь с ними. Кроме того, базы нужно строить с таким расчетом, чтобы, опираясь на них, немецкая колонизационная политика могла в соответствии с перспективными планами обеспечить образование все более мощного национального немецкого клина в покоренном нами пространстве. Но каким образом англичане смогли бы господствовать в своей мировой империи, обладая всего 50 миллионами человек собственного населения, если бы не стали мастерами лжи? Если бы они действительно хотели, как постоянно утверждают, принести индусам свободу и развитие индийской культуры, то им следовало бы, конечно, из Индии уйти. Но они лгали, словно гетевский Рейнеке Лис, до самой последней минуты. А мужество для лжи они черпали не в последнюю очередь из того непомерного самосознания, которое позволяет им смотреть на английский народ, как на кормчего, управляющего кораблем всего мира. Поскольку немецкий народ хочет и должен обрести мировое значение, необходимо и его прежде всего воспитать в таком духе, что честность нужна лишь по отношению к самому себе, а перед чужими народами, например чехами, следует столь же чистосердечно лгать, как это делают англичане, вместо того, чтобы повсюду вызывать антипатию своею честностью. Молодежь, сказал он, следует воспитывать в духе гордости за то, что на Востоке ее ждет не мягкая постель, а возможность вершить великие дела собственными силами.
Laughter If these people really have this urge in themselves, Germany today needs these ideal men as turf cutters and coal miners; they could take part in building our water power plants, our lakes etc. The whole Zionist state will be nothing else than the perfect high school for their international criminals, and from there they will be directed. And every Jew will, of course, have immunity as a citizen of the Palestinian state Laughter and he will of course keep our citizenship. But when caught red-handed, he will not be a German Jew any longer but a citizen of Palestine. Laughter One can almost say that the Jew cannot help it because everything stems from his race. A Jew is everywhere a Jew; consciously or unconsciously, he resolutely represents the interests of his race. Thus we can see the two great differences between races: Aryanism means ethical perception of work and that which we today so often hear — socialism, community spirit, common good before own good. Jewry means egoistic attitude to work and thereby mammonism and materialism, the opposite of socialism. He cannot do otherwise, whether he wants to or not. And thereby he is unable to create his own state because it requires a lot of social sense. He is only able to live as a parasite in the states of others. He lives as a race amongst other races, in a state within others states. And we can see very precisely that when a race does not possess certain traits which must be hereditary, it not only cannot create a state but must act as a destroyer, no matter if a given individual is good or evil. The Jewish path of destruction We can follow this fate of Jewry from the earliest prehistory. It is not important if there is truth in every word of the Bible. In general, it gives us at least an extract of the history of Jewry. We see how the Jews present themselves because the Jew wrote these words quite innocuously. It did not appear to him as outrageous when a race, through cunning and deceit, invaded and despoiled other races, was always finally expelled and, unoffended, sought to repeat the same elsewhere. They pimped and haggled even when it came to their ideals, always ready to offer even their own families. We know that not long ago a gentleman was staying here, Sigmund Fraenkel, who has just written that it is quite unjust to accuse Jews of a materialistic spirit. One should only look at their sunny family life. However, this intimate family life did not prevent Grandfather Abraham from pimping off his own wife to the Pharaoh of Egypt in order to be able to do business. Laughter As was the grandfather, so was the father and so were the sons who never neglected their business. And you can be sure that they are not neglecting the business even as we speak. Who among you was a soldier, he will remember Galicia or Poland: There, at the train stations, these Abrahams were everywhere. Laughter and hand clapping They penetrated into other races for millennia. And we know very well that wherever they stayed long enough symptoms of decay appeared and the peoples could do nothing else than to liberate themselves from the uninvited guest or to disappear themselves. Heavy plagues came over the nations, no less then ten in Egypt — the same plague we experience today firsthand — and finally the Egyptians lost their patience. When the chronicler describes that the Jews were suffering when they finally left, we know differently, for as soon as they were out, they began to long after coming back. Laughter It seems that they did not have it so badly. And just as you are not going to see this race voluntarily do it, so there was nothing left to the Egyptians but to force them. What hundreds of thousands of others do as a matter of course, means for the Jew another chapter of suffering and persecution. Still later, the Jew was able to infiltrate the then soaring Roman Empire. We can still see his traces in southern Italy. Already 250 years before Christ he was there in all places, and people began to avoid them. Already, then and there, he made the most important decision and became a trader. From numerous Roman texts we know that he traded, like today, with everything from shoelaces to girls. Hear, hear And we know that the danger grew, and that the insurrection after the murder of Julius Caesar was mainly fomented by the Jews. The Jew knew even then how to make friends with the masters of the Earth. Only when they became shaky in their rule, he suddenly became a populist and discovered his wide open heart for the needs of the broad masses. So it was in Rome, as we know. We know that the Jew used Christianity, not out of love for Christ, but partly because he knew that this new religion questioned all earthly power and so it became an axe at the root of the Roman state, the state which was built on the authority of the public servant. He did the same 2000 years ago, and we know that this new Teaching was nothing else than a resurrection of the old truism that people in a state should have legal rights and, above all, that equal duties should give equal rights. This obvious Teaching was gradually turned against the Jew himself, as the similar Teaching of socialism has to turn on the Hebrew race today, its distorters and corrupters. We know that throughout the middle Ages the Jew infiltrated all European states, behaving like a parasite, using new principles and ways which the people did not know then. And from a nomad he became a greedy and bloodthirsty robber of our time. And he went so far that people after people rebelled and attempted to shake him off. We know it is untrue when people say that the Jew was forced to this activity; he could easily acquire land. And he did acquire land but not to work it but in order to use it as a trade object, just as he does today. Our forefathers were wiser; they knew that land was holy and they excluded the Jew from it, Lively ovation and if the Jew ever had the intention to tend the land and build a state, he could easily have done so at the time when whole new continents were discovered. He could easily have done it if only he used a small part of his power, craftiness, cunning, brutality and ruthlessness, as well as some of his financial resources. Because if this power was sufficient to subdue whole peoples, it would have been more than sufficient to build their own state. If only he had had the basic condition for this, which is a will to work, but not in the sense of usurious trade but in the sense in which millions work in order to keep a state going. Instead, we see him also today as a destroyer. In these days we see a great transformation: the Jew was once a Court Jew, submissive to his master he knew how to make the master pliable in order to dominate his subjects. For this purpose he whetted the appetites of these great men for unattainable things, extended the credit and soon turned them into debtors. In this way he himself got power over peoples. And he played this game with the same cruelty as, a few years later, the humanistic and philanthropic Jew whose wealth did not suffer at all when he showed his humanitarianism and his spirit of sacrifice to our people. Because he felt that the ground began to burn under his feet. The ethical duty to work Gradually, he also had to lead an existential struggle against the growing awakening and anger of the people. This forced him to lay his hands on the inner structure of the states if he wanted to remain the master of the peoples. We see the resulting destruction in three areas, namely those same three areas which were preserving and developing the states. The first area was the fight against the principle of the ethical duty to work. The Jew had found another kind of work for himself where he could earn gold without practically moving a finger. He developed a principle which, throughout millennia, made it possible for him to amass fortunes without sweat and toil, unlike all other mortals, and above all — without taking risk. What is industrial capital? It is a constantly changing factor, a relative concept. Once it was a needle and thread, a workshop and a couple of cents in ready money which a tailor in Nurnberg possessed in the 13th century. It was a sum that made work possible, that is: tools, workshops and a certain amount of money in order to survive for a period of time. Gradually, this small workshop became a big factory. But workshops and tools, machines and factories have, per se, no value able to produce value but are a means to an end. What produces value is work, and the few cents which made it possible to survive difficult times and buy some fabrics, multiplied through time, stand before us today — we call it Capital for continued operation in bad times, that is Working Capital. Here I want to emphasize one thing: Tools, workshop, machine, factory — or working capital, that is, industrial capital — against this you cannot fight at all. You can perhaps make sure that it is not abused but you cannot fight against it. This is the first major scam that one makes to our people, and they make it to distract us from the real fight, to pull it off from the capital which should and must be fought — from the loan and financial capital. Stormy bravo! This capital arises in a very different way. The smallest master craftsman was dependent on the fate that might affect him every day, on the general situation in the middle Ages, perhaps on the size of his city and its prosperity, the security in this city. Also today is this capital, that is, the industrial capital tied to the state and to the people, depending on the will of the people to work, but depending also on the possibility to procure raw materials in order to be able to offer work and find buyers who will really buy the product. And we know that a collapse of the state, under certain circumstances, renders the greatest values worthless, devalues them, as distinguished from the other capital, the finance and loan capital, which accrues interest very evenly without any regard to whether the owner, for example, of these 10,000 Mark himself passes away or not. The debt remains on the estate. We know that this railway fortunately has now a 20 billion deficit but their bonds must bear interest, and even though they were sold, in part, more than 60 years ago and have already been repaid four times, the debt, the interest, runs further, and while a great nation gains nothing on this company, it still must bleed; the loan capital continues to grow completely irrespective of any outside disturbance. Here we already see the first possibility, namely that this kind of money-making, which is independent of all the events and incidents of daily life, must necessarily, because it is never hindered and always runs evenly, gradually lead to huge capitals which are so enormous that they ultimately have only one fault, namely the difficulty of their further accommodation. To accommodate this capital, you have to proceed to destroying whole states, to destroy entire cultures, to abolish national industries — not to socialize, but to throw all into the jaws of this international capital — because this capital is international, as the only thing on this Earth that is truly international. It is international because its carrier, the Jews, are international through their distribution across the world. Consent And already here one should knock oneself on the head and say: if this capital is international because its carrier is distributed internationally, it must be madness to think that this capital can be fought internationally with the help of the members of the same race which possesses it. Hear, hear Fire is not extinguished by fire but by water and the international capital belonging to the international Jew can only be broken by a national force. Bravo and applause! So, this capital has grown to incredibly large proportions and today virtually rules the Earth, still eerily growing and — the worst! For it is appalling that the common man who has to bear the burden in order to return the capital sees that, despite his hard work, diligence, thrift and in spite of the real work, he is hardly able to nourish himself and still less to dress, while this international capital devours billions just in interest, which he also must supply, and at the same time a whole racial stratum which does no other work than collect interest and cut coupons, spreads in the state. This is a degradation of any honest work, for every honestly working man must ask today: Does it have a purpose at all that I work? Yes, one of the foundations of our strength is being destroyed, namely the ethical concept of work, and that was the brilliant idea of Karl Marx to falsify the ethical concept of work, and the whole mass of the people who groan under the Capital are to be organized for the destruction of the national economy and for the protection of international finance-and-loan capital. Stormy applause We know that today 15 billion of industry capital is facing 500 billion of loan capital.
Геббельс о Гитлере цитаты. Высказывания о любви Адольфа Гитлера. Смешные фразы Гитлера. Цитаты Гитлера и Путина. Путин о Гитлере цитаты. Цитаты Гитлера Мем. Гиммлер цитаты. Генрих Гиммлер цитаты. Адольф Гитлер 1920 1080. Гитлер о социализме. Гитлер о марксизме. Национал социализм Гитлер. Гитлер о коммунизме. Высказывание Геббельса о бандеровцах. Высказывание Геббельса об украинцах. Высказывания Гитлера о украинцах. Геббельс о русских и украинцах. Гитлер с русскими. Гитлер в Москве. Гитлер был хорошим. Гитлер был русским. Евреи богоизбранный народ. Высшая раса. Гитлер и Моисей. Богоизбранный народ славяне. Высказывания фашистов. Изречения Гитлера о евреях. Афоризмы Гитлера. Гитлер мы тогда победим Россию. Гитлер украинец. Гитлер о белоруссах и украинцах. Россия победила. Мудрые цитаты Гитлера. Гитлер Великий человек. Самые известные высказывания Гитлера. Цитаты про фашизм. Чубайс Гитлер. Цитаты Адольфа Гитлера о славянах. Гитлер 1941 речь. Недочеловеки Гиммлер. Фразы о фашизме.
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- Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939
Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года
(русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии поддержки и, прежде всего, немедленно отвести назад немецкие войска, которые продвигаются к Киркенесу на смену прежним? Die nationalsozialistische Bewegung. 1. Kapitel: 2. Kapitel: 3. Kapitel: 4. Kapitel: 5. Kapitel: 6. Kapitel: Weltanschauung und Partei. 409 Der Staat. 425 Staatsangehöriger und Staatsbürger. 488 Persönlichkeit und völkischer Staatsgedanke.
Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад
В жизни пригодится 25 подписчиков Подписаться Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура национал-социализма, основатель тоталитарной диктатуры Третьего рейха, глава Национал-социалистической немецкой рабочей партии, рейхсканцлер и фюрер Германии, верховный главнокомандующий вооружёнными силами Германии во Второй мировой войне. Экспансионистская политика Гитлера стала одной из главных причин начала Второй мировой войны в Европе. С его именем связаны многочисленные преступления против человечества, совершённые нацистским режимом как в самой Германии, так и на оккупированных ею территориях, включая Холокост. Международный военный трибунал признал преступными созданные Гитлером организации и само руководство нацистской партии.
Among the majority of nationalities that are being suppressed in this State there are 3,500,000 Germans. These Germans, too, are creatures of God. The Almighty did not create them that they should be surrendered by a State construction made at Versailles to a foreign power that is hateful to them, and He has not created 7,000,000 Czechs in order that they should supervise 3,500,000 Germans or act as guardians for them and still less to do them violence and torture. The conditions in this nation are unbearable, as is generally known. Politically more than 3,500,000 people were robbed in the name of the right of self-determination of a certain Mr.
Wilson of their self-determination and of their right to self-determination. Economically these people were deliberately ruined and afterward handed over to a slow process of extermination. These truths cannot be abolished by phrases. They are testified to by deeds. The misery of the Sudeten Germans is without end. They want to annihilate them. They are being oppressed in an inhuman and intolerable manner and treated in an undignified way. When 3,500,000 who belong to a people of almost 80,000,000 are not allowed to sing any song that the Czechs do not like because it does not please the Czechs or are brutally struck for wearing white stockings because the Czechs do not like it, and do not want to see them, and are terrorized or maltreated because they greet with a form of salutation that is not agreeable to them, although they are greeting not Czechs but one another, and when they are pursued like wild beasts for every expression of their national life.
This may be a matter of indifference to several representatives of our democracies or they may possibly even be sympathetic because it concerns only 3,500,000 Germans. I can only say to representatives of the democracies that this is not a matter of indifference to us. And I say that if these tortured creatures cannot obtain rights and assistance by themselves, they can obtain both from us. An end must be made of depriving these people of their rights. I have already said this quite clearly in my speech of February 22. It was a short-sighted piece of work when the statesmen at Versailles brought the abnormal structure of Czechoslovakia into being. It was possible to violate the demands of millions of another nationality only so long as the brother nation itself was suffering from the consequences of general maltreatment by the world. To believe that such a regime could go on sinning without hindrance forever was possible only through a scarcely credible degree of blindness.
I declared in my speech of February 22 before the Reichstag that the Reich would not tolerate any further continued oppression of 3,500,000 Germans, and I hope that the foreign statesmen will be convinced that these were no mere words. The National Socialist State has consented to very great sacrifices indeed, very great national sacrifices for the sake of European peace; not only has it not cherished so-called thoughts of revenge, but on the contrary it has banished them from all its public and private life. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. For twenty years there was the opportunity for the Czechoslovak government of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected by the Czechs - proposals of giving the Sudeten German minority a humane treatment and the respect they deserve. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria.
It was all in vain. I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted.
Bechtle 1968. Ich denke, die Journalisten zeigten schlechten Geschmack, als sie den Mann der Stunde in Deutschland kritisierten. April 1931, S. Er spricht scharf gegen Rosenberg. Weil er alles und nichts macht. Juli 1933. Schmidt, Der Standard, 20.
Er hatte das gewisse Etwas, woraus Legenden geschaffen werden…" - John F. Kennedy , Tagebucheintrag vom 1.
I have also left no doubt that, if the nations of Europe are again to be regarded as mere shares to be bought and sold by those international money and finance conspirators, then that race, Jewry, which is the real guilty party in this murderous struggle, will be saddled with the responsibility.
I also made it clear that this time, not only would millions of children of European Aryan races starve, not only would millions of grown men meet their death, and not only would millions of women and children be burned or bombed to death in the cities, but that the real culprit would atone for his guilt, even if by more humane means. The most fearsome example of this kind is Russia where he Jewry allowed 39 million humans in truly fanatical wildness to die or starve in inhuman agony, in order to secure the mastery of a great people for a gang of Jewish literati and stock exchange bandits. The result is not only the end of freedom for the people oppressed by the Jews, but rather also the end of these parasites of the peoples themselves.
After the death of the victim, the vampire dies sooner or later. Mein Kampf, 1925, Volume 1, p. Was there any excrement, any shamelessness in any form, above all in cultural life, in which at least one Jew would not have been involved?
As soon as one even carefully cut into such an abscess, one found, like maggots in a decaying body, often blinded by the sudden light, a kike.