Новости речь гитлера на немецком текст

Teкcт выcтyплeния нa нeмeцкoм языкe. Мартин Вютке Речь Гитлера из фильма "Бесславные ублюдки" (Немецкий язык).

Последняя речь Гитлера в бункере перед смертью. Почему её так долго скрывали от народа

Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года: d_34 — LiveJournal	Opening Address at the Seventh National Socialist Congress. Nuremberg, September 11, 1935. FELLOW MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST PARTY: The Congress in which we are now assembled is the Seventh Congress of the National Socialist Movement. It is sixteen years since the.
1 September 1939 Reichstag speech - Wikipedia	III Рейх (200) Советский Союз в политико-экономических планах Германии, конец 1920-1930-х гг. (13).

Речь гитлера на немецком текст

This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days. I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison. And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith.

One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting. Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then.

But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us. These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the... They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany!

Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out. If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot...

To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that... There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war?

Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed. They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment.

Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one. Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty.

On the contrary, as the other world went to pieces progressively, unemployment grew and continued to grow greater. The years 1913 to 1930 are years of continuous experimentation, continuous economic ruin, an uninterrupted prostitution of the political sovereignty of the German people; also an abandonment of economic materials. And we had to witness all this. At that time I fought, but during those years, my countrymen, there were many setbacks for forbidden parties, one sentence... Then again local groups were dissolved, then again, over all of German states the movement was forbidden. In short, there was a continuous fight against uninterrupted setbacks.

Then, finally, came September, 1930, and we walked into the Reichstag with our 106 mandates-another was added-107 mandates. Then we should have been given part in the government, but that was when the real opposition sidetracking came, and it grew greater uninterruptedly. It was a continuous battle, which eventually... How many party members did we lose at the time? Then came the year 1932. The first presidential election, again a setback.

The second presidential election, the party saw... It was a fight in which all was at stake. Many persons again had to pay with their lives that year. Many persons went to prison. And then came July, with a... Then everyone cried: "This is the hour in which to take over power," and again the hour passed by, it had to go by.

And then came another reversal. And then-a final battle. And finally the day, the memory of which we are celebrating. Now, my compatriots countrymen , I have related this to you only very briefly, in order to show you above all else that: the victory which we are celebrating today, did not come to us at that time as an easy gift, which fell into our laps. This victory was bound up with great efforts, with sacrifices, with deprivations, with unceasing labors, and also with setbacks. And if you had asked anyone on January 15, "Do you believe that this person"-that was I at that time-"will get into power?

And now I must mention something else. I told you what I found conditions to be in the year 1919 to 1920, when I brought the party into existence; I have depicted for you the situation, after my first great defeat. But I must recall to your memory, in just a few sentences, what I had taken upon myself on that 30th of January. It was a heritage which hardly anyone wanted any more to take over at all. Everything ruined, the economy destroyed; 7,000,000 people without a living, and it was increasing from week to week; 7,000,000 part-time workers. The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions.

The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence. In general, everything in Germany seemed now to be dead. But I took that over. It was no bright heritage, but I looked upon it as an honor to take over something not at the moment when it is flourishing, but to take it over at the moment when others say: "Everything is already ruined. Everyone can, of course?

It was altogether clear to me that? I would have been beaten to death, I dared and I won. I began to stabilize the German currency by relentless pressure from above. I began, however, to stabilize it so... German production... All that is easy to tell today, but it was not so easy then, for if it had been so easy, why did my opponents not do it?

I immediately began with the repression of all the foreign elements in Germany; I mean our cosmopolites. I began also at this time to bring individual provinces into the Reich. Instead of numberless economic organizations a combination of all in one single bureau. At first, of course, everyone complained whose interests were thereby threatened. But one thing no one can dispute, from either the right or left: In the end everything went better than before. For one thing, my comrades, you must all admit, wherever you come from: Everywhere today you see works of peace which we could no longer continue on account of war.

Everywhere you see great buildings, schools, housing projects, which the war has kept us from carrying on. Before I entered upon this war, I had begun a gigantic program of social, economic, cultural work, in part already completed. But everywhere I had in mind new plans, new projects. When, on the other hand, I look at my opponents, what have they really done, now? They could rush easily enough into war. War did not rob them of a peaceful state, for they have accomplished nothing.

This prattler, this drink-bold Churchill, what has he in reality accomplished in his life? This perfidious fellow is a lazybones of the first order. If this war had not come, the centuries would have spoken of our generation and also of all of us and also of myself as the creator of great works of peace. But if this war had not come, who would speak of Churchill? Now he will one day be spoken of, to be sure, but as the destroyer of an empire, which he and now we destroyed. One of the most pitiful phrase-mongering natures of world history, incapable of creating anything, of accomplishing anything, or of performing creative acts, capable only of destroying.

Of his accomplice in the White House I would rather not speak at all, moreover-a wretched madman. To be sure, the more we worked, the more we put Germany in order, the greater grew the hatred, unfortunately. For now there came something in addition. Now came the stupid hatred of the social strata abroad, who believed that the German model, the socialistic German model, could break in on them also, circumstances permitting. I have often heard that those in other countries said themselves: "Well, you know,... I do not even demand at all that they should be carried out.

On the contrary, I am not here to concern myself with the happiness of other peoples, but I feel myself responsible exclusively for my own people. That is what I work for. To my sleepless nights I will not add a single one for other lands. Why not? That only spoils our working class. They do not perceive that the German workingman has worked more than ever before; why should he not then recover?

Is it not above all a joke when that man from the White House says: "We have a World Program and this World Program will give mankind freedom and the right to labor. Roosevelt, open your eyes, we have had that in Germany for a long time already. Or when he says that care will be taken of illness. Go and look at the battle-cry of our party program that is National Socialistic, not its doctrine, my dear sir, those are high ideas like those of a Democrat. Or when he says: "We wish to raise the standard of prosperity, even for the masses. Those are prominent things in our program.

For we have also done that without a war. You have a war! No, this capitalistic babble does not even think of doing such a thing.

Kritik ist die Selbstdarstellung der Verlierer. Intellektuelle sind Abschaum der Gesellschaft. Es gibt kein Gewissen. Das Gewissen haben die Juden erfunden. Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend.

Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige.

Es gibt kein Gewissen. Das Gewissen haben die Juden erfunden. Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend.

Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige. Bolschewismus, das uneheliche Kind des Christentums. Seien Sie vorsichtig mit Menschen, sie sind unberechenbar.

This agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland. It was laid down that the pacts of mutual assistance already entered into by Poland-this applied to the pact with France- should not be affected by the agreement. But it was obvious that this could apply only to the pact of mutual assistance already concluded beforehand, and not to whatever new pacts might be concluded in the future. It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension. Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension. For this loosening of the tension is assuredly not to be achieved through the agitations of insane warmongers, but through the removal of the real elements of danger. After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government. I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems. It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods.

"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus

Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом	Тегипоследняя речь гитлера текст, застольные речи гитлера книга, речь гитлера на немецком текст, переозвучка гитлера в бункере.
Adolph Hitler SPEECH OF OCTOBER 6, 1939	1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich.
Речь гитлера на немецком языке текст	Речи гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком языке. 1. Германия должна, наконец, согласиться, что так как Россия снова чувствует в свой адрес угрозу со стороны Финляндии, Россия должна иметь возможность ликвидировать Финляндию.
Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом	Речь гитлера текст. Гитлер 1941 речь. Выступление Гитлера с переводом.
Речь Адольфа Гитлера в Рейхстаге 1 сентября 1939 года | Пикабу	Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом.

Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года

Гитлер выступает во время выступления 30 января 1939 года немецкий диктатор Адольф Гитлер произнес речь в Рейхстаге, которая наиболее известна своим предсказанием о. Речь гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком с переводом. Еще в 1936 г. Черчилль заявил, по словам американского генерала Вуда, перед комитетом Палаты представителей США, что Германия снова становится слишком сильной и поэтому ее нужно уничтожить. Всем историкам третьего рейха давно известно, что Адольфа Гитлера звали Шекель Грубер, а это прямо указывает на его истинное происхождение. О каком немецком нацизме вообще может идти речь если Гитлер был сами понимаете кем. Teкcт выcтyплeния нa нeмeцкoм языкe. Цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке напоминают о трагических событиях и важности мира. Teкcт выcтyплeния нa нeмeцкoм языкe. Мартин Вютке Речь Гитлера из фильма "Бесславные ублюдки" (Немецкий язык).

Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере

The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out. If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot... To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that...

There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war? Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed. They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment.

Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one. Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty. On the contrary, as the other world went to pieces progressively, unemployment grew and continued to grow greater. The years 1913 to 1930 are years of continuous experimentation, continuous economic ruin, an uninterrupted prostitution of the political sovereignty of the German people; also an abandonment of economic materials.

And we had to witness all this. At that time I fought, but during those years, my countrymen, there were many setbacks for forbidden parties, one sentence... Then again local groups were dissolved, then again, over all of German states the movement was forbidden. In short, there was a continuous fight against uninterrupted setbacks. Then, finally, came September, 1930, and we walked into the Reichstag with our 106 mandates-another was added-107 mandates. Then we should have been given part in the government, but that was when the real opposition sidetracking came, and it grew greater uninterruptedly. It was a continuous battle, which eventually... How many party members did we lose at the time?

Then came the year 1932. The first presidential election, again a setback. The second presidential election, the party saw... It was a fight in which all was at stake. Many persons again had to pay with their lives that year. Many persons went to prison. And then came July, with a... Then everyone cried: "This is the hour in which to take over power," and again the hour passed by, it had to go by.

And then came another reversal. And then-a final battle. And finally the day, the memory of which we are celebrating. Now, my compatriots countrymen , I have related this to you only very briefly, in order to show you above all else that: the victory which we are celebrating today, did not come to us at that time as an easy gift, which fell into our laps. This victory was bound up with great efforts, with sacrifices, with deprivations, with unceasing labors, and also with setbacks. And if you had asked anyone on January 15, "Do you believe that this person"-that was I at that time-"will get into power? And now I must mention something else. I told you what I found conditions to be in the year 1919 to 1920, when I brought the party into existence; I have depicted for you the situation, after my first great defeat.

But I must recall to your memory, in just a few sentences, what I had taken upon myself on that 30th of January. It was a heritage which hardly anyone wanted any more to take over at all. Everything ruined, the economy destroyed; 7,000,000 people without a living, and it was increasing from week to week; 7,000,000 part-time workers. The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions. The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence. In general, everything in Germany seemed now to be dead. But I took that over.

It was no bright heritage, but I looked upon it as an honor to take over something not at the moment when it is flourishing, but to take it over at the moment when others say: "Everything is already ruined. Everyone can, of course? It was altogether clear to me that? I would have been beaten to death, I dared and I won. I began to stabilize the German currency by relentless pressure from above. I began, however, to stabilize it so... German production... All that is easy to tell today, but it was not so easy then, for if it had been so easy, why did my opponents not do it?

I immediately began with the repression of all the foreign elements in Germany; I mean our cosmopolites. I began also at this time to bring individual provinces into the Reich. Instead of numberless economic organizations a combination of all in one single bureau. At first, of course, everyone complained whose interests were thereby threatened. But one thing no one can dispute, from either the right or left: In the end everything went better than before. For one thing, my comrades, you must all admit, wherever you come from: Everywhere today you see works of peace which we could no longer continue on account of war. Everywhere you see great buildings, schools, housing projects, which the war has kept us from carrying on. Before I entered upon this war, I had begun a gigantic program of social, economic, cultural work, in part already completed.

But everywhere I had in mind new plans, new projects. When, on the other hand, I look at my opponents, what have they really done, now? They could rush easily enough into war. War did not rob them of a peaceful state, for they have accomplished nothing. This prattler, this drink-bold Churchill, what has he in reality accomplished in his life? This perfidious fellow is a lazybones of the first order. If this war had not come, the centuries would have spoken of our generation and also of all of us and also of myself as the creator of great works of peace. But if this war had not come, who would speak of Churchill?

Now he will one day be spoken of, to be sure, but as the destroyer of an empire, which he and now we destroyed. One of the most pitiful phrase-mongering natures of world history, incapable of creating anything, of accomplishing anything, or of performing creative acts, capable only of destroying. Of his accomplice in the White House I would rather not speak at all, moreover-a wretched madman. To be sure, the more we worked, the more we put Germany in order, the greater grew the hatred, unfortunately. For now there came something in addition. Now came the stupid hatred of the social strata abroad, who believed that the German model, the socialistic German model, could break in on them also, circumstances permitting. I have often heard that those in other countries said themselves: "Well, you know,... I do not even demand at all that they should be carried out.

On the contrary, I am not here to concern myself with the happiness of other peoples, but I feel myself responsible exclusively for my own people. That is what I work for. To my sleepless nights I will not add a single one for other lands. Why not? That only spoils our working class. They do not perceive that the German workingman has worked more than ever before; why should he not then recover? Is it not above all a joke when that man from the White House says: "We have a World Program and this World Program will give mankind freedom and the right to labor. Roosevelt, open your eyes, we have had that in Germany for a long time already.

Or when he says that care will be taken of illness. Go and look at the battle-cry of our party program that is National Socialistic, not its doctrine, my dear sir, those are high ideas like those of a Democrat. Or when he says: "We wish to raise the standard of prosperity, even for the masses. Those are prominent things in our program. For we have also done that without a war. You have a war! No, this capitalistic babble does not even think of doing such a thing. They see in us only the bad example, and in order to tempt their own people, they must meddle in our party program and there snatch out single sentences, these pitiful blunders, and even then they do it badly.

We have had a united world against us here, naturally, not only from the right but also from the left, as those on the left say to us, "If that succeeds; this experiment, it actually creates, it brings it about, that it does away with homelessness. It makes it ready and establishes a school system whereby every talented youngster, irrespective of what kind of position. He completes it and makes a lawyer out of a former farm worker. He completed it. Why, we live by the fact that that does not exist. We do live by that. War, then, against this National Socialism. We have now been at the helm for nine years.

This struggle will render the verdict, if this Russia is compared with Germany. What have we created in nine years, what is the aspect of the German people, and what has been created there? I do not even want to talk about the capitalist states, they are not at all concerned about their unemployed for that reason? To the American millionaire the unemployed person is something natural, something he does not have to see at all, since he does not go to the neighborhoods where they are, and they do not come to the neighborhood where he sits; they under-took a hunger march on Washington, to be sure, to the White House or to the Capitol, but they are dispersed somewhere by the police before they can do it with rubber truncheons and tear gas, and so on, all of them things which do not exist in autocratic Germany. We have not used these measures against our people at all, we manage without rubber truncheons and without these things, without tear gas. We are resolute in our renunciation of them, while in the case of the enemy it is understood that at the moment of taking power they increased it... You know them already from my fighting period. I travel with three countries, their...

Every attempt to come to an understanding with England was altogether to no purpose. Here there were people... They saw in Germany an enemy, and that the world had changed essentially since the time of their great Queen Victoria, that people did not know at all that Germany never threatened England but that this England could be maintained only when she had found a close cooperation with Europe.

You know them already from my fighting period. I travel with three countries, their... Every attempt to come to an understanding with England was altogether to no purpose. Here there were people... They saw in Germany an enemy, and that the world had changed essentially since the time of their great Queen Victoria, that people did not know at all that Germany never threatened England but that this England could be maintained only when she had found a close cooperation with Europe.

This they did not realize. On the contrary, they fought on every occasion against Europe. It is quite interesting as they themselves, when a man, who is really a man, arrives, he is thrown out immediately? These are unbreakable eggs. Wherever they step they remain somewhere again, among enemies. On the whole they have been in the cold too long. They have already spoken of the breaking up of the German Reich by next September, and with the help of this advance prophesy, and we say that the war will not end as the Jews imagine it will, namely, with the uprooting of the Aryans, but the result of this war will be the complete annihilation of the Jews. And the further this war spreads, the farther will spread this fight against the world of the...

I was more fortunate with the second state, with which I found some relationship. That is actually no wonder. However, it would be a real wonder, if it were otherwise. Because, already-as I said today in a... A hundred years ago, Germany fought its way to a renaissance as a state, and its independence as a state, and Italy was fighting for its national united... Then these two states separated, and both nations fought without success and then came the... Both Revolutions had about the same course; each one had severe setbacks, but finally won the fight. Both nations brought about...

Both nations concerned people who could not find their daily bread on their own soil. Both nations found themselves one day standing opposite the same people, without wanting to, against the same international union, as already had occurred in 1935, when England suddenly turned against Italy, without any sort of preliminary warning; Italy had taken nothing from England, therefore it was for the reason that: "We do not wish Italy to have its free right to life," just as it was, with Germany, for the reason that: "We do not wish Germany to have its free right to life. What do we want from England? I offered each of them peace, more, I want to offer friendship. On the other side an old freemason, who only believes in a war, to be able to salvage his bankrupt economy, perhaps, or at least to gain time. Thus both states again stand face to face with the same foe... And then, in addition, there is still a third thing-I have mentioned it today also: in both cases they are men, two men, who have come from the people... In the last few weeks...

I have read about the history of the Italian Fascist Revolution, and it seemed to me as if I had the history of my own party before me, so similar, so identical, that... And now finally the third state has joined us, another state with which we have always wanted to have good relations for the past many years. You all know it from "Mein Kampf"-Japan. Now the three great Have-Nots are united, and now we shall see who... For, what does England want to gain? What does America want to gain? What do they want to gain? They have so much that they do not know what to do with what they have.

A few persons per square kilometer need much more for all the cares which we are not the ones to have. A single poor harvest means for our national decades plundered, exploited, crushed, and in spite of that they could not eliminate their own economic need. They have raw materials, as much as they are willing to use, and they do not complete it, with their problems actually to found something reasonable in society, to the one who has everything and the one who wants to take from the other fellow who has hardly anything practically the last thing he owns, or to the one who defends that which he honors as his last possession. Pray to God that he must send Bolshevism over Europe as a scourge. We wish only to say, "It will not come over Germany but whether it will come over England is another story. We have never done anything to England, France, we have never done anything to America. Nevertheless there follows now in the year 1939 the declaration of war, and now it has gone further. Now you must however out of my whole history understand me rightly.

One sentence unintelligible. I said: "If the war is inevitable, then I should rather be the one to conduct it not because I thirst after this fame; on the contrary, I here gladly renounce that fame, which is in my eyes no fame at all. My fame, if Providence preserves my life, will consist in... But I think that if Providence has already disposed that I can do what must be done according to the inscrutable will of the Providence, then I can at least just ask Providence to entrust to me the burden of this war, to load it on me. I will beat it! I will shrink from no responsibility; in every hour which... I will take this burden upon me. I will bear every responsibility, just as I have always borne them.

It knows that I had endless plans in those years before the war. It sees everywhere the signs of works begun, and sometimes also the documents of completion. I know that this people trusts me. I am happy to know it. But the German people may be persuaded also of one thing, that the year 1918, as long as I live, will never return. I am glad that so many allies have joined our soldiers: in Sweden, Italy, then in the north, Finland and the many other nations which are sending their sons here to the east, too,... Rumanians and Hungarians, Slovaks, Spaniards,... Already today, a European war, and finally in the East, as a new Ally, who has already...

Cripps assured us a few days ago, in his loquacious manner, has been preparing itself for a fight with Germany. I knew that. As soon as I had become certain that there was false play going on here, in the instant that I became aware that Mr. Churchill in his secret meetings was already considering this ally, within the hour in which Molotov left Berlin, and took his leave because he had been able to come to a shrewd agreement, at that moment, it became clear to me, that this conflict was inevitable. For this, too, I thank fate, that it placed me at the head of the Reich, so that I was in a position to strike the first blow. If one must fight, then I take the stand that the first blow is the decisive one. We can only wish Japan good luck, because instead of playing around for a long time with this lying nation, it started to fight immediately. Now, our soldiers have been fighting in the East since June 22, a battle which will some day go into the chronicles of history as a hero-song of our people.

He meant to drive the German U-boats out of the oceans gradually, by making new decrees of the American spheres of influence, and to limit them to a very small territory, which the British would then take care of with their naval forces. And, my fellow country-men, that is also the reason for the regression of the number of U-boat sinkings, but not at all the number of damages or sinkings by our U-boats. On the contrary, the latter has risen greatly. Also not the lack of our occupational forces, nor the impossibility of... You will understand that it has been a vindication for myself to decide whether one should finally conclude with the whole pack of lies for the sake of peace, and to bind oneself to the new limitations... Japan has finally eliminated this necessity. Now there are U-boats on all the oceans of the world, now you will see how our submarines carry out their work, and however they may look, we are armed for everything, from North to South, from East to West. But about one thing they may be assured; as I have said before, today they are up against a different German people; now they are again up against Fredrichian people; we will fight where we stand, give no foot of ground, immediately push forward again.

And we are, in fact, happy to know since yesterday that our General Rommel with his brave Italian and German panzers and men at the moment when they... That will continue to happen to them until the war has ended with our victory. With these two forces stands a third, our air-force. Its fame is immortal. What they have accomplished in their efforts in the Arctic cold of the Far North, in the East, or in the heat of the desert, or in the West, is everywhere the same, a heroism that honors cannot glorify. There is just one thing which I must emphasize again and again; that is our infantry. And behind these forces stands a gigantic communications organization with tens of thousands of motor vehicles and railroads, and they are all going to work and will master even the hardest problems. For it is self-evident that the conversion from advance to defense in the East is not easy.

It was not Russia that forced us to defense, but only 38 and 40 and 42 and sometimes 45 degrees below zero that did it. And in this cold, there, troops which are not accustomed to it cannot fight as in the red heat of the desert... But at this time, when the difficult transition was necessary, I again looked upon it as my task to take upon my shoulders the responsibility for that, too. I wanted thereby to save my soldiers from something worse. And I want to assure them at this point, insofar as those who are on that icy front can hear me today: "I know the work you are doing. And I know also that the hardest lies behind us. Today is January 30. The winter is the big hope of the Eastern enemy.

It will not fulfill this hope for him. In four months we had fought almost to Moscow and Leningrad. Four months of Northern winter are now past. They have advanced a few kilometers at individual points and have made great sacrifices in blood and human lives there. They may be indifferent to that; but in a few weeks in the South the winter is going to break, and then the spring will move farther north, the ice will melt, and then the hour will come when the ground is again hard and firm, and when the new weapons will again flow there from our homeland, and when we shall beat them, and revenge those who now have fallen such lonely victims of the cold. For I can tell you that the soldiers at the front have the feeling of... To compare him with them would be an insult. The decisive thing now is that this transition from attack to defense be successful, and I may say that it has been.

These fronts, as you shall see, where a few individual Russians break through, and where they sometimes even believe that they are occupying localities, there are no localities, there are only ruins. What does this mean, in comparison to what we have occupied, what we are bringing in order, and what the next spring and from then on, will bring into order? Behind this front there is today a dignified German homeland. I have recently, the other day, in view of this cold weather, appealed to the German people, for everything which had been prepared for protection against the frost has not sufficed. I wanted to express gratitude to the people themselves. This appeal then was also a plebiscite. While the others talk of democracy, this is true democracy. It has shown itself these days, when an entire people voluntarily sacrifices, and I know that so many small people, but this time also, many, many people, for whom this was difficult, and perhaps, formerly, seemed to find it impossible to part with a precious piece of fur, have today given it, with the knowledge that the most humble infantryman is of greater importance than the most costly fur.

Whoever makes profits on the war in the Third Reich dies. It is not a question of the hidden clothes, the poor infantryman who, perhaps, saves his hands by having warm gloves, or could be kept from freezing by a warm vest, which some one takes from home for him. I will here stand up for the interests of the soldiers, and I know that all the German nation stands behind me in this. And this January 30th. Whether or not the war will end this year I do not know; but I do know one thing. Wherever the foe may appear, he will this year be fought as before. It will again be a year of great victories; and even as I held the flag high before this, a all times, so I will hold it high even now; because,? My German countrymen, my soldiers.

We have a full of fame and glory behind us. One likes so much to draw analogies from it. In this fight German heroes have fought in similar situations, which also seemed hopeless. We should not draw any comparisons with former times, at all. We have no right to do so. We have the strongest army in the world. We have the strongest air-force in the world.

Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice. Now the whole nation understands it; what was then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover. This good fortune, to be able to give... How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast. Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days. I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison. And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting. Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us. These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the... They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany! Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out. If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot... To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that... There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war? Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed. They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment. Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one. Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty. On the contrary, as the other world went to pieces progressively, unemployment grew and continued to grow greater. The years 1913 to 1930 are years of continuous experimentation, continuous economic ruin, an uninterrupted prostitution of the political sovereignty of the German people; also an abandonment of economic materials. And we had to witness all this. At that time I fought, but during those years, my countrymen, there were many setbacks for forbidden parties, one sentence... Then again local groups were dissolved, then again, over all of German states the movement was forbidden. In short, there was a continuous fight against uninterrupted setbacks. Then, finally, came September, 1930, and we walked into the Reichstag with our 106 mandates-another was added-107 mandates. Then we should have been given part in the government, but that was when the real opposition sidetracking came, and it grew greater uninterruptedly. It was a continuous battle, which eventually... How many party members did we lose at the time? Then came the year 1932. The first presidential election, again a setback. The second presidential election, the party saw... It was a fight in which all was at stake. Many persons again had to pay with their lives that year. Many persons went to prison. And then came July, with a... Then everyone cried: "This is the hour in which to take over power," and again the hour passed by, it had to go by. And then came another reversal. And then-a final battle. And finally the day, the memory of which we are celebrating. Now, my compatriots countrymen , I have related this to you only very briefly, in order to show you above all else that: the victory which we are celebrating today, did not come to us at that time as an easy gift, which fell into our laps. This victory was bound up with great efforts, with sacrifices, with deprivations, with unceasing labors, and also with setbacks. And if you had asked anyone on January 15, "Do you believe that this person"-that was I at that time-"will get into power? And now I must mention something else. I told you what I found conditions to be in the year 1919 to 1920, when I brought the party into existence; I have depicted for you the situation, after my first great defeat. But I must recall to your memory, in just a few sentences, what I had taken upon myself on that 30th of January. It was a heritage which hardly anyone wanted any more to take over at all. Everything ruined, the economy destroyed; 7,000,000 people without a living, and it was increasing from week to week; 7,000,000 part-time workers. The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions. The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence. In general, everything in Germany seemed now to be dead. But I took that over. It was no bright heritage, but I looked upon it as an honor to take over something not at the moment when it is flourishing, but to take it over at the moment when others say: "Everything is already ruined. Everyone can, of course? It was altogether clear to me that? I would have been beaten to death, I dared and I won. I began to stabilize the German currency by relentless pressure from above. I began, however, to stabilize it so... German production... All that is easy to tell today, but it was not so easy then, for if it had been so easy, why did my opponents not do it? I immediately began with the repression of all the foreign elements in Germany; I mean our cosmopolites. I began also at this time to bring individual provinces into the Reich. Instead of numberless economic organizations a combination of all in one single bureau. At first, of course, everyone complained whose interests were thereby threatened. But one thing no one can dispute, from either the right or left: In the end everything went better than before. For one thing, my comrades, you must all admit, wherever you come from: Everywhere today you see works of peace which we could no longer continue on account of war. Everywhere you see great buildings, schools, housing projects, which the war has kept us from carrying on. Before I entered upon this war, I had begun a gigantic program of social, economic, cultural work, in part already completed. But everywhere I had in mind new plans, new projects. When, on the other hand, I look at my opponents, what have they really done, now? They could rush easily enough into war. War did not rob them of a peaceful state, for they have accomplished nothing. This prattler, this drink-bold Churchill, what has he in reality accomplished in his life? This perfidious fellow is a lazybones of the first order. If this war had not come, the centuries would have spoken of our generation and also of all of us and also of myself as the creator of great works of peace. But if this war had not come, who would speak of Churchill? Now he will one day be spoken of, to be sure, but as the destroyer of an empire, which he and now we destroyed. One of the most pitiful phrase-mongering natures of world history, incapable of creating anything, of accomplishing anything, or of performing creative acts, capable only of destroying. Of his accomplice in the White House I would rather not speak at all, moreover-a wretched madman. To be sure, the more we worked, the more we put Germany in order, the greater grew the hatred, unfortunately. For now there came something in addition. Now came the stupid hatred of the social strata abroad, who believed that the German model, the socialistic German model, could break in on them also, circumstances permitting. I have often heard that those in other countries said themselves: "Well, you know,... I do not even demand at all that they should be carried out. On the contrary, I am not here to concern myself with the happiness of other peoples, but I feel myself responsible exclusively for my own people. That is what I work for. To my sleepless nights I will not add a single one for other lands. Why not? That only spoils our working class. They do not perceive that the German workingman has worked more than ever before; why should he not then recover? Is it not above all a joke when that man from the White House says: "We have a World Program and this World Program will give mankind freedom and the right to labor. Roosevelt, open your eyes, we have had that in Germany for a long time already.

The others may laugh or mock as much as they wish. It does not matter. They may go against us. That does not matter; then we will defend ourselves. We will not capitulate. We will not get off the street, we will not give up our places until we... The feeling of the National Socialist is today obvious to us. However at that time, these were new ideas, new learnings, which were neither understood, nor of course, accepted by many. And another thing was added to this, a cursed tradition, in which every single... It was a fight against traditions, and also, naturally, against the elements of cultural up-bringing. Some said,... One is studied, taught, hammered in, in God knows how many homework hours, and the other is innate born and will always come to the fore, and will know how to find a following among his natural and necessary talents of leadership. It was a struggle against almost all of the things which we were accustomed to in life. Besides this, there was a fight against certain natural interests. For some, because. I do not know what is more evil, a bodily threat rather than a spiritual suppression which can perhaps break down a person even faster than a physical threat. There have been heroes who have come forward at that time. And I should like to explain something about that: These heroes have in reality continued the war of 1914-1918. One sees them yet so displayed as if they were soldiers in my eyes and their party, no, that the soldiers have been once, and indeed the best soldiers. They were the best soldiers that have ever been, who would not and could not bear the acquiescence, thus we recognize it today, that a really good National Socialist will also be always the best soldier. And now came the organized opponents also. They were first of all approximately 46 or 47 parties, who hesitated accordingly to unite together the bicyclists, or the small gardeners, or cottagers, or other people. But there were some 48 parties. An Allied Opposition. And here above all the party secretaries, their functionaries,. For where, after all, was a... You are fighting here for something that can be of no use to anyone. You will both have to get off your high horse. In the long run you cannot do without each other. And as an example he says, or he makes rejoinders, which... Where, then, do the trade-union secretaries and the syndics get? And most of all, where then do the dear Jews get, who had, indeed, their interests so much in both camps, who on the one hand directed capital, even, and on the other hand led the anti-capitalists, and often, indeed, as one family with two brothers in both camps. My dear national comrades! When at that time I began this fight, I knew very well that it was a fight against an entire condition of things, and how hard it was only my fellow-fighters can know, who realized that for me the last war had offered clear... I continued to fight when I could speak again, and I have gone up and down the country, and from city to city, and have spoken and labored again and again, always with the single thought to loose the German people from this bond, to deliver them from their lethargy, and voice is fading. Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice. Now the whole nation understands it; what was then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover. This good fortune, to be able to give... How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast. Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days. I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison. And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting. Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us. These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the... They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany! Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out. If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot... To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that... There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war? Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed. They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment. Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one. Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty. On the contrary, as the other world went to pieces progressively, unemployment grew and continued to grow greater. The years 1913 to 1930 are years of continuous experimentation, continuous economic ruin, an uninterrupted prostitution of the political sovereignty of the German people; also an abandonment of economic materials. And we had to witness all this. At that time I fought, but during those years, my countrymen, there were many setbacks for forbidden parties, one sentence... Then again local groups were dissolved, then again, over all of German states the movement was forbidden. In short, there was a continuous fight against uninterrupted setbacks. Then, finally, came September, 1930, and we walked into the Reichstag with our 106 mandates-another was added-107 mandates. Then we should have been given part in the government, but that was when the real opposition sidetracking came, and it grew greater uninterruptedly. It was a continuous battle, which eventually... How many party members did we lose at the time? Then came the year 1932. The first presidential election, again a setback. The second presidential election, the party saw... It was a fight in which all was at stake. Many persons again had to pay with their lives that year. Many persons went to prison. And then came July, with a... Then everyone cried: "This is the hour in which to take over power," and again the hour passed by, it had to go by. And then came another reversal. And then-a final battle. And finally the day, the memory of which we are celebrating. Now, my compatriots countrymen , I have related this to you only very briefly, in order to show you above all else that: the victory which we are celebrating today, did not come to us at that time as an easy gift, which fell into our laps. This victory was bound up with great efforts, with sacrifices, with deprivations, with unceasing labors, and also with setbacks. And if you had asked anyone on January 15, "Do you believe that this person"-that was I at that time-"will get into power? And now I must mention something else. I told you what I found conditions to be in the year 1919 to 1920, when I brought the party into existence; I have depicted for you the situation, after my first great defeat. But I must recall to your memory, in just a few sentences, what I had taken upon myself on that 30th of January. It was a heritage which hardly anyone wanted any more to take over at all. Everything ruined, the economy destroyed; 7,000,000 people without a living, and it was increasing from week to week; 7,000,000 part-time workers. The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions. The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence. In general, everything in Germany seemed now to be dead. But I took that over. It was no bright heritage, but I looked upon it as an honor to take over something not at the moment when it is flourishing, but to take it over at the moment when others say: "Everything is already ruined. Everyone can, of course? It was altogether clear to me that? I would have been beaten to death, I dared and I won. I began to stabilize the German currency by relentless pressure from above.

Цитаты Гитлера на немецком

Речь гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком с переводом. Выступление Гитлера на немецком. Гитлер 1941 речь. причем в оригинале, русский перевод с купюрами я уже. Adolf Hitler, Erklärung der Reichsregierung vor dem Deutschen Reichstag, 1. September 1939 (оригинал речи на немецком. Последние добавленные тексты песен. September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt.

Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939

Adolph Hitler outlines the German victory over Poland in a Reichstag speech, October 6th 1939. English translation. Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР.

Речь Гитлера на съезде НСДАП 1934

Does the Jew possess the power to create a state? First we must examine his attitude to work, find out how he perceives the principle of work, and excuse me if I now take a book called The Bible. I am not claiming that all its contents are necessarily true, as we know that Jewry was very liberal in writing it. One thing, however, is certain: it has not been written by an antisemite. Laughter It is very important because no antisemite would have been able to write a more terrible indictment against the Jewish race than the Bible, the Old Testament. Ladies and Gentlemen! Already here we see that the whole world lies between us; we could never conceive of work as a punishment — otherwise we would all have been convicts. We do not want to conceive of work as punishment. I must confess: I would not have been able to exist without work, and hundreds of thousands and millions would have been able to withstand perhaps 3 or 5 days, maybe even 10, but not 90 or 100 days without any activity. If Paradise really existed, the Land of Plenty, then our people would have been unhappy in it. Calls: Hear, hear We Germans seek constantly a possibility to do something and if we cannot find anything, at least from time to time we hit one another in the face.

Laughter We are unable to bear absolute rest. Thus we see, already here, a big difference. Because a Jew has written this, true or not is unimportant because it still reflects the opinion which Jewry has about work. For them work is not an obvious ethical duty but at most a means to sustenance. In our eyes, this is not work because in this case any activity serving self-preservation, without regard to fellow men, might be called work. And we know that this work, in the past, consisted of plundering of caravans, and today in planned plundering of indebted farmers, industrialists and workers. The form has changed but the principle is the same. We do not call it work, but robbery. Calls: Hear, hear When already such a basic notion separates us, here comes another. I have already explained that in the long period in the North the races became purified.

This means that all the inferior and weak gradually died out and only the soundest remained. Also, here the Jew differs from us because he has not become purified but instead practiced inbreeding; he multiplied greatly but only in narrow circles, and without selection. And therefore we see a generation which is plagued by defects caused by inbreeding. Finally, the Jew does not possess the third factor: The inner spiritual life. I do not need to explain here what a Jew generally looks like. You all know him. Laughter You know his constant restlessness that never gives him a possibility to concentrate and have a spiritual experience. In the most solemn moments he flickers his eyes and one can see that even during the most beautiful opera he is calculating dividends. Laughter The Jew has never had his own art. Hear, hear His own temple has been built by foreign builders: The first was the Assyrians, and for the building of the second — the Roman artists.

He has not left anything which might be called art, no buildings, nothing. We shall not conceal that today he has many famous conductors whose fame he can thank the well-organized Jewish Press for. Laughter When a nation does not possess these three traits, it is not able to create states. And that is true because throughout centuries the Jew was always a nomad. He has never had what we might call a state. On the one side, there was always a great chasm between the tribes of Judah and Caleb and the northern Israeli tribes, and only David, for the first time, succeeded in gradually bridging the chasm through the unitary cult of Yahweh. We know precisely that this cult has at a very late time chosen for itself Jerusalem as its sole seat. Only from that moment have the Jewish people gotten a center, like Berlin or New York or Warsaw today. Because a people which does not want to work — the often hard work of building and maintaining a state — to work in mines, factories, in construction etc. Such a people will never establish a state but prefers to live in some other state where others work and he acts as an intermediary in business, a dealer in the best case, or in good German — a robber, a nomad who undertakes robbing raids just like in ancient times.

Lively bravo! Efforts are made to explain that so and so many Jews have been found that want to go there as farmers, workers, even soldiers. Laughter If these people really have this urge in themselves, Germany today needs these ideal men as turf cutters and coal miners; they could take part in building our water power plants, our lakes etc. The whole Zionist state will be nothing else than the perfect high school for their international criminals, and from there they will be directed. And every Jew will, of course, have immunity as a citizen of the Palestinian state Laughter and he will of course keep our citizenship. But when caught red-handed, he will not be a German Jew any longer but a citizen of Palestine. Laughter One can almost say that the Jew cannot help it because everything stems from his race. A Jew is everywhere a Jew; consciously or unconsciously, he resolutely represents the interests of his race. Thus we can see the two great differences between races: Aryanism means ethical perception of work and that which we today so often hear — socialism, community spirit, common good before own good. Jewry means egoistic attitude to work and thereby mammonism and materialism, the opposite of socialism.

He cannot do otherwise, whether he wants to or not. And thereby he is unable to create his own state because it requires a lot of social sense. He is only able to live as a parasite in the states of others. He lives as a race amongst other races, in a state within others states. And we can see very precisely that when a race does not possess certain traits which must be hereditary, it not only cannot create a state but must act as a destroyer, no matter if a given individual is good or evil. The Jewish path of destruction We can follow this fate of Jewry from the earliest prehistory. It is not important if there is truth in every word of the Bible. In general, it gives us at least an extract of the history of Jewry. We see how the Jews present themselves because the Jew wrote these words quite innocuously. It did not appear to him as outrageous when a race, through cunning and deceit, invaded and despoiled other races, was always finally expelled and, unoffended, sought to repeat the same elsewhere.

They pimped and haggled even when it came to their ideals, always ready to offer even their own families. We know that not long ago a gentleman was staying here, Sigmund Fraenkel, who has just written that it is quite unjust to accuse Jews of a materialistic spirit. One should only look at their sunny family life. However, this intimate family life did not prevent Grandfather Abraham from pimping off his own wife to the Pharaoh of Egypt in order to be able to do business. Laughter As was the grandfather, so was the father and so were the sons who never neglected their business. And you can be sure that they are not neglecting the business even as we speak. Who among you was a soldier, he will remember Galicia or Poland: There, at the train stations, these Abrahams were everywhere. Laughter and hand clapping They penetrated into other races for millennia. And we know very well that wherever they stayed long enough symptoms of decay appeared and the peoples could do nothing else than to liberate themselves from the uninvited guest or to disappear themselves. Heavy plagues came over the nations, no less then ten in Egypt — the same plague we experience today firsthand — and finally the Egyptians lost their patience.

When the chronicler describes that the Jews were suffering when they finally left, we know differently, for as soon as they were out, they began to long after coming back. Laughter It seems that they did not have it so badly. And just as you are not going to see this race voluntarily do it, so there was nothing left to the Egyptians but to force them. What hundreds of thousands of others do as a matter of course, means for the Jew another chapter of suffering and persecution. Still later, the Jew was able to infiltrate the then soaring Roman Empire. We can still see his traces in southern Italy. Already 250 years before Christ he was there in all places, and people began to avoid them. Already, then and there, he made the most important decision and became a trader. From numerous Roman texts we know that he traded, like today, with everything from shoelaces to girls. Hear, hear And we know that the danger grew, and that the insurrection after the murder of Julius Caesar was mainly fomented by the Jews.

The Jew knew even then how to make friends with the masters of the Earth. Only when they became shaky in their rule, he suddenly became a populist and discovered his wide open heart for the needs of the broad masses. So it was in Rome, as we know. We know that the Jew used Christianity, not out of love for Christ, but partly because he knew that this new religion questioned all earthly power and so it became an axe at the root of the Roman state, the state which was built on the authority of the public servant. He did the same 2000 years ago, and we know that this new Teaching was nothing else than a resurrection of the old truism that people in a state should have legal rights and, above all, that equal duties should give equal rights. This obvious Teaching was gradually turned against the Jew himself, as the similar Teaching of socialism has to turn on the Hebrew race today, its distorters and corrupters. We know that throughout the middle Ages the Jew infiltrated all European states, behaving like a parasite, using new principles and ways which the people did not know then. And from a nomad he became a greedy and bloodthirsty robber of our time. And he went so far that people after people rebelled and attempted to shake him off. We know it is untrue when people say that the Jew was forced to this activity; he could easily acquire land.

And he did acquire land but not to work it but in order to use it as a trade object, just as he does today. Our forefathers were wiser; they knew that land was holy and they excluded the Jew from it, Lively ovation and if the Jew ever had the intention to tend the land and build a state, he could easily have done so at the time when whole new continents were discovered.

Я сделал это с тяжелым сердцем. Причина понятна: если Германский Рейх дает гарантию, это означает, что он за нее ручается. Мы не англичане и не евреи. Я верил до последнего часа, что послужу делу мира в этом регионе, даже если приму на себя тяжелые обязательства. Но чтобы окончательно решить эти проблемы и уяснить русскую позицию по отношению к Рейху, испытывая давление постоянно усиливающейся мобилизации на наших восточных границах, я пригласил господина Молотова в Берлин. Советский министр иностранных дел потребовал прояснения позиции или согласия Германии по следующим 4 вопросам: 1-й вопрос Молотова: Будет ли германская гарантия Румынии в случае нападения Советской России на Румынию направлена также против Советской России?

Германская гарантия имеет общий и обязательный для нас характер. Россия никогда не заявляла нам, что, кроме Бессарабии, у нее вообще есть в Румынии еще какие-то интересы. Оккупация Северной Буковины уже была нарушением этого заверения. Поэтому я не думаю, что Россия теперь вдруг вознамерилась предпринять какие-то дальнейшие действия против Румынии. Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии поддержки и, прежде всего, немедленно отвести назад немецкие войска, которые продвигаются к Киркенесу на смену прежним? Германия по-прежнему не имеет в Финляндии никаких политических интересов, однако правительство Германского рейха не могло бы терпимо отнестись к новой войне России против маленького финского народа, тем более мы никогда не могли поверить в угрозу России со стороны Финляндии. Мы вообще не хотели бы, чтобы Балтийское море опять стало театром военных действий. Болгария — суверенное государство, и мне неизвестно, обращалась ли вообще Болгария к Советской России с просьбой о гарантии подобно тому, как Румыния обратилась к Германии.

Кроме того, я должен обсудить этот вопрос с моими союзниками. Согласится с этим Германия или нет? Германия готова в любой момент дать свое согласие на изменение статуса проливов, определенного соглашением в Монтрё в пользу черноморских государств, но Германия не готова согласиться на создание русских военных баз в проливах. Я занял в данном вопросе позицию, которую только и мог занять как ответственный вождь Германского рейха и как сознающий свою ответственность представитель европейской культуры и цивилизации. Результатом стало усиление советской деятельности, направленной против Рейха, прежде всего, немедленно был начат подкоп под новое румынское государство, усилились и попытки с помощью пропаганды свергнуть болгарское правительство. С помощью запутавшихся, незрелых людей из румынского Легиона удалось инсценировать государственный переворот, целью которого было свергнуть главу государства генерала Антонеску, ввергнуть страну в хаос и, устранив законную власть, создать предпосылки для того, чтобы обещанные Германией гарантии не могли вступить в силу. Несмотря на это, я продолжал считать, что лучше всего хранить молчание. Сразу же после краха этой авантюры опять усилилась концентрация русских войск на восточной границе Германии.

Танковые и парашютные войска во все большем количестве перебрасывались на угрожающе близкое к германской границе расстояние. Германский Вермахт и германская родина знают, что еще несколько недель назад на нашей восточной границе не было ни одной немецкой танковой или моторизованной дивизии. Но если требовалось последнее доказательство того, что, несмотря на все опровержения и маскировку, возникла коалиция между Англией и Советской Россией, то его дал югославский конфликт. Пока я предпринимал последнюю попытку умиротворения Балкан и, разумеется, вместе с дуче предложил Югославии присоединиться к Тройственному пакту, Англия и Советская Россия совместно организовали путч, и за одну ночь устранили тогдашнее правительство, готовое к взаимопониманию. Сегодня об этом можно рассказать немецкому народу: антигерманский государственный переворот в Сербии произошел не только под английскими, но и, прежде всего, под советскими знаменами. Поскольку мы промолчали и об этом, советское руководство сделало следующий шаг. Оно не только организовало путч, но и несколько дней спустя заключило со своими новыми ставленниками известный договор о дружбе, призванный укрепить волю Сербии оказать сопротивление умиротворению на Балканах и натравить ее на Германию. И это не было платоническим намерением.

Москва требовала мобилизации сербской армии. Поскольку я продолжал считать, что лучше не высказываться, кремлевские правители сделали еще один шаг. Правительство германского рейха располагает сегодня документами, из которых явствует, что Россия, чтобы окончательно втянуть Сербию в войну, обещало ей поставить через Салоники оружие, самолеты, боеприпасы и прочие военные материалы против Германии. И это происходило почти в тот самый момент, когда я еще советовал японскому министру иностранных дел д-ру Мацуоке добиваться разрядки с Россией, все еще надеясь послужить этим делу мира. Только быстрый прорыв наших несравненных дивизий к Скопье и занятие самих Салоник воспрепятствовали осуществлению этого советско-англосаксонского заговора. Офицеры сербских ВВС улетели в Россию и были приняты там как союзники. Только победа держав Оси на Балканах сорвала план втянуть Германию этим летом в многомесячную борьбу на юго-востоке, а тем временем завершить сосредоточение советских армий, усилить их боевую готовность, а потом вместе с Англией, с надеждой на американские поставки, задушить и задавить Германский Рейх и Италию. Тем самым Москва не только нарушила положения нашего пакта о дружбе, но и жалким образом его предала.

И в то же время правители Кремля до последней минуты, как и в случаях с Финляндией и Румынией, лицемерно уверяли внешний мир в своем стремлении к миру и дружбе и составляли внешне безобидные опровержения. Если до сих пор обстоятельства вынуждали меня хранить молчание, то теперь настал момент, когда дальнейшее бездействие будет не только грехом попустительства, но и преступлением против немецкого народа и всей Европы. Сегодня на нашей границе стоят 160 русских дивизий. В последние недели имеют место непрерывные нарушения этой границы, не только нашей, но и на дальнем севере и в Румынии. Русские летчики забавляются тем, что беззаботно перелетают эту границу, словно хотят показать нам, что они уже чувствуют себя хозяевами этой территории. В ночь с 17 на 18 июня русские патрули снова вторглись на территорию рейха и были вытеснены только после длительной перестрелки. Но теперь настал час, когда необходимо выступить против этого заговора еврейско-англосаксонских поджигателей войны и тоже еврейских властителей большевистского центра в Москве. В данный момент осуществляется величайшее по своей протяженности и объему выступление войск, какое только видел мир.

В союзе с финскими товарищами стоят бойцы победителя при Нарвике у Северного Ледовитого океана. Немецкие дивизии под командой завоевателя Норвегии 1 защищают вместе с финскими героями борьбы за свободу под командованием их маршала финскую землю. От Восточной Пруссии до Карпат развернуты соединения немецкого восточного фронта. На берегах Прута и в низовьях Дуная до побережья Черного моря румынские и немецкие солдаты объединяются под командованием главы государства Антонеску. Задача этого фронта уже не защита отдельных стран, а обеспечение безопасности Европы и тем самым спасение всех.

Kritik ist die Selbstdarstellung der Verlierer. Intellektuelle sind Abschaum der Gesellschaft.

Es gibt kein Gewissen. Das Gewissen haben die Juden erfunden. Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige.

It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfil my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything. I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it. I am determined to solve 1 the Sudeten question and 2 to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Czechoslovakia that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Czechoslovak government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Czechoslovak Government is ready to do so. I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Czech regular soldiers fired on our territory. Three German soldiers and five Sudeten Germans were killed by Czech soldiers at Egerteich without provocation. Since 6. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured. For five years now I have been working on the building up of the German defences. Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defence forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice. I am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am from now on just first soldier of the German Reich.

Цитаты Гитлера на немецком

Kritik ist die Selbstdarstellung der Verlierer. Intellektuelle sind Abschaum der Gesellschaft. Es gibt kein Gewissen. Das Gewissen haben die Juden erfunden. Совесть придумали евреи.

Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige.

В СССР никогда не публиковалась, его содержание было засекречено. После развала союза в 90х была опубликована в книге «Застольные разговоры Гитлера», которая в на сегодня в России запрещена. Причинами запрета помимо идеологических высказываний Гитлера, было то, что они содержали пророчества насчет послевоенного развития человечества. Некоторые из них на сегодня оказались пугающе пророческими, и по прочтении этих прогнозов, понятно, почему они запрещены. Публиковать текст в России нельзя по закону, хотя в интернете он находится в открытом доступе, но пересказывать его с полным сохранением смысла не запрещено.

Ниже приведен краткий пересказ последней речи Гитлера 2 апреля 1945 года. Поражение неизбежно Война будет вестись до полного поражения, до разрушения Германии из-за непримиримости сторон. Завоеватели разрубят рейх на куски Американцы и большевики подвергнут страну диким эксцессам. Германию ждет долгий тяжелый период, который придется пережить, более тяжелый чем после 1918 года, но она снова возродится.

Это был приказ! Наступление Штейнера было приказом! Wer sind Sie, dass Sie es wagen, sich meinen Befehlen zu widersetzen? Jeder hat mich belogen, sogar die SS! Армия мне лжет!

После того, как первоначально было лицемерно объявлено, что борьба ведется только против кайзера и его режима, когда немецкая армия сложила оружие, началось планомерное уничтожение Германской империи. В то время, как казалось, дословно сбывается пророчество одного французского государственного деятеля, что в Германии 20 миллионов лишних людей, то есть их нужно устранить с помощью голода, болезней или эмиграции, национал-социалистическое движение начало свою работу по объединению немецкого народа и тем самым положило путь к возрождению Империи. Этот новый подъем нашего народа из нужды, нищеты и позорного неуважения к нему проходил под знаком чисто внутреннего воздержания. Англию, в частности, это никак не затрагивало и ничего ей не угрожало. Несмотря на это, моментально возобновилась вдохновляемая ненавистью политика окружения Германии. Изнутри и извне плелся известный нам заговор евреев и демократов, большевиков и реакционеров с единственной целью помешать созданию нового национального государства и снова погрузить Рейх в пучину бессилия и нищеты. Кроме нас, ненависть этого международного всемирного заговора была обращена против тех народов, которым тоже не повезло, и они были вынуждены зарабатывать хлеб насущный в самой жестокой борьбе за существование. Прежде вcего, оспаривалось и даже формально запрещалось право Италии и Японии, как и Германии, на свою долю в богатствах этого мира. Союз этих наций был поэтому лишь актом самообороны против угрожавшей им эгоистической всемирной коалиции богатства и власти. Ещё в 1936 году Черчилль заявил, по словам американского генерала Вуда, перед комитетом Палаты представителей США, что Германия снова становится слишком сильной и поэтому ее нужно уничтожить. Летом 1939 года Англии показалось, что настал момент начать это вновь задуманное уничтожение с повторения широкомасштабной политики окружения Германии. Систематическая кампания лжи, которая была организована с этой целью, была направлена на то, чтобы убедить другие народы, будто над ними нависла угроза, поймать их сначала в ловушку английских гарантий и обещаний поддержки, а потом, как накануне мировой войны, заставить их воевать против Германии. Так Англии удалось с мая по август 1939 года распространить в мире утверждение, будто Германия непосредственно угрожает Литве, Эстонии, Латвии, Финляндии, Бессарабии, а также Украине. Часть этих стран с помощью подобных утверждений отклонили обещанные гарантии и они тем самым сделались частью фронта окружения Германии. При этих обстоятельствах я, сознавая свою ответственность перед своей совестью и перед историей немецкого народа, счел возможным не только заверить эти страны и их правительства в лживости британских утверждений, но и, кроме того, специально успокоить самую сильную державу Востока с помощью торжественных заявлений о границах сфер наших интересов. Вы все, конечно, чувствовали тогда, что этот шаг был для меня горьким и трудным. Никогда немецкий народ не испытывал враждебных чувств к народам России. Только на протяжении двух последних десятилетий еврейско-большевистские правители Москвы старались поджечь не только Германию, но и всю Европу. Не Германия пыталась перенести свое националистическое мировоззрение в Россию, а еврейско-большевистские правители в Москве неуклонно предпринимали попытки навязать нашему и другим европейским народам свое господство, притом не только духовное, но, прежде всего, военное. Но результатами деятельности этого режима во всех странах были только хаос, нищета и голод. В противовес этому я два десятилетия старался при минимальном вмешательстве и без разрушения нашего производства построить в Германии новый социалистический порядок, который не только ликвидировал безработицу, но и обеспечил благодаря повышению оплаты труда постоянный приток людей в сферу созидания. Успехи этой политики новых экономических и социальных отношений в нашем народе, которые, планомерно преодолевая сословные и классовые противоречия, имеют своей конечной целью создание подлинного народного сообщества, уникальны во всем мире. Поэтому в августе 1939 года для меня было таким трудным решение послать моего министра в Москву, чтобы попытаться там оказать противодействие британской политике окружения Германии. Я сделал это не только осознавая свою ответственность перед немецким народом, но, прежде всего, в надежде достичь в конечном счете продолжительной разрядки, которая могла бы уменьшить жертвы, которые потребовались бы от нас в противном случае. После того как Германия в Москве торжественно признала указанные в договоре области и страны— за исключением Литвы — находящимися вне сферы каких бы то ни было германских политических интересов, было заключено еще особое соглашение на тот случай, если бы Англии действительно удалось подтолкнуть Польшу к войне против Германии. Но и в этом случае имело место ограничение немецких притязаний, которое никоим образом не соответствовало успехам немецкого оружия. Последствия этого договора, которого я сам хотел и который заключил в интересах немецкого народа, были особенно тяжелыми для немцев, живших в затронутых им странах. Более полумиллиона наших соплеменников — сплошь мелкие крестьяне, ремесленники и рабочие — были вынуждены чуть ли не за одну ночь покинуть свою бывшую родину, спасаясь от нового режима, который грозил им сначала беспредельной нищетой, а рано или поздно — полным истреблением. Несмотря на это, тысячи немцев исчезли! Было невозможно узнать что-либо об их судьбе или хотя бы местонахождении. Среди них было более 160 граждан Рейха. Я молчал обо всем этом, потому что должен был молчать, потому что моим главным желанием было достичь окончательной разрядки и, если возможно, — длительного баланса интересов с этим государством. Но еще во время наступления наших войск в Польше советские правители внезапно, вопреки договору, выдвинули притязания также на Литву. Германский Рейх никогда не имел намерения оккупировать Литву и не только не предъявлял никаких подобных требований литовскому правительству, но, наоборот, отклонил просьбу тогдашнего литовского правительства послать в Литву немецкие войска, поскольку это не соответствовало целям германской политики. Несмотря на это, я согласился и на это новое русское требование. Но это было лишь началом непрерывной череды все новых и новых вымогательств. Победа в Польше, достигнутая исключительно силами немецкой армии, побудила меня снова обратиться к западным державам с мирным предложением.

"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus

Речь гитлера на немецком языке текст - Научные работы на	Речь гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком с переводом. Документальные киноматериалы Предвыборная речь Гитлера Марш сторонников нацистской партии во время избирательной кампании Вальденбург, Германия.
Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939	Speech (1933) | Текст песни. Тексты песен.

Речь гитлера на немецком языке текст

Речь гитлера текст. Гитлер 1941 речь. Выступление Гитлера с переводом. My German Fellow Countrymen and Women, My Comrades! At present everybody speaks before the forum which seems to them the most fitting. Some speak before a parliament whose existence, composition and origin (are well known). I believe that I should return again today whence I came. Гитлер выступает во время выступления 30 января 1939 года немецкий диктатор Адольф Гитлер произнес речь в Рейхстаге, которая наиболее известна своим предсказанием о. Речь Гитлера на немецком. Выступление Гитлера с переводом. выступления гитлера с переводом скачать с видео в MP4, FLV Вы можете скачать M4A аудио формат.

Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года

Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР. Пользователь Никита Всадник задал вопрос в категории Политика и получил на него 4 ответа. Дюссельдорфская речь Первое выступление Гитлера 27 января 1932 на встрече с германскими промышленными магнатами в "Клубе индустрии", куда он был приглашен известным промышленником Фрицем Тиссеном.

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