Гитлеровские речи на немецком. Речь Гитлера текст. Berlin, May 17, 1933. Deputies, Ladies and Gentlemen of the German Reichstag! In the name of the Reich Government I have asked the Reichstag President to convene the Reichstag so that I may take a stand before this forum on the questions which today affect not only our Volk but the entire world. Adolph Hitler outlines the German victory over Poland in a Reichstag speech, October 6th 1939. English translation. Речи гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком языке. Тэги: гитлер, речь, 1933, берлин Канцлер Германии Адольф Гитлер в своем рабочем кабинете.
Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939
My German Fellow Countrymen and Women, My Comrades! At present everybody speaks before the forum which seems to them the most fitting. Some speak before a parliament whose existence, composition and origin (are well known). I believe that I should return again today whence I came. The speeches, letters, and proclamations of Adolph Hitler. Мартин Вютке Речь Гитлера из фильма. Die große Zeit ist jetzt angebrochen. Deutschland ist nun erwacht. Die Macht haben wir nun in Deutschland gewonnen, nun gilt es das deutsche Volk zu gewinnen. Ich weiß, obwohl die hundert tausenden von euch die ihr jetzt zuhört in ganz Deutschland das in hundertausenden von euch in. Дюссельдорфская речь Первое выступление Гитлера 27 января 1932 на встрече с германскими промышленными магнатами в "Клубе индустрии", куда он был приглашен известным промышленником Фрицем Тиссеном. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком кричит. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР.
Речь Гитлера на съезде НСДАП 1934
I no longer see any reason why [Germany and Russia] should still oppose one another.... We have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which rules out for ever any use of violence between us... Russia and Germany fought against one another in the World War. That shall and will not happen a second time. Hitler justified the German attack by claiming Polish culpability based on invented Polish atrocities at Pitschen and other places, including Gleiwitz and Hochlinden , [3] both of these being part of the culmination of Operation Himmler , a false flag operation intended to demonstrate that the Poles had attacked first, the Gleiwitz incident being the most noted. This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5:45 a.
Hitler then declared himself as the "First soldier of the German Reich" Erster Soldat des Deutschen Reiches , a self-claimed rank, effectively equivalent of Generalissimo.
Ha, da mache ich nicht mit. Ha, ich will konstruktiv wirken, nicht als Idiot im Hamsterrad. Ich sende meinen Dank an Adolf Hitler und an das deutsche Volk. Millionen Deutsche haben damals einen Kampf aufgenommen, der damals noch nicht zu gewinnen war. Sie haben Breschen geschlagen. Die wurden seither vertuscht und verwischt…und treten in dieser unserer neuen Zeit zutage. Россия передала гласности речь Адольфа Гитлера, с переводом на русский язык.
Может быть это печально, но это факт.
If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Czech regular soldiers fired on our territory. Three German soldiers and five Sudeten Germans were killed by Czech soldiers at Egerteich without provocation.
Since 6. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured.
For five years now I have been working on the building up of the German defences. Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defence forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable.
When I called up these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice. I am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people.
I am from now on just first soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome. As a National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a stout heart.
My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my people, for its restoration, and for Germany. There was only one watchword for that struggle: faith in this people. One word I have never learned: that is, surrender. If, however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to remember that once a Prussian King, with a ridiculously small State, opposed a stronger coalition, and in three wars finally came out successful because that State had that stout heart that we need in these times.
I would, therefore, like to assure all the world that a November 1918 will never be repeated in German history. Just as I myself am ready at any time to stake my life - anyone can take it for my people and for Germany - so I ask the same of all others. Whoever, however, thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly of indirectly, shall fall. We have nothing to do with traitors.
We are all faithful to our old principle. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves live, but it is essential that our people shall live, that Germany shall live. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice that many generations have made. If we form a community closely bound together by vows, ready for anything, resolved never to surrender, then our will will master every hardship and difficulty.
Also this form became gradually replaced by the third: Work out of ethical sense of duty, where an individual does not work because he is forced to it. We see it at every turn. Millions of people work without being constantly forced to it. Thousands of intellectuals are sometimes bound to their studies for whole nights on end, day after day, although they may not do it for material gains. The hundreds of thousands of German workers after the end of their work tend their gardens. And, generally, we see today that millions of people cannot imagine living without some sort of occupation. When I said that this process represents a slow but perhaps also the greatest of all revolutions in human history, then one must assume that also this revolution had to have a cause, and this cause was the greatest Goddess of this Earth, the one who is able to whip men to the uttermost — the Goddess of Hardship.
We can see this hardship in early prehistory, above all in the northern part of the world, in those enormous ice deserts where only the meagrest existence was possible. Here, men were forced to fight for their existence, for things which were, in the smiling South, available without work, and in abundance. In those times man made perhaps his first groundbreaking discovery: In those cold stretches man was forced to find a substitute for the only gift of Heaven which makes life possible — the Sun. And the man who produced the first artificial sparks later appeared to Humanity as a god — Prometheus, the fire-bringer. The North forced men to further activity — production of clothes, building of abodes. First, it was simple caves, later huts and houses. In short, he created a principle, the principle of work.
Life would not have been possible without it. Although work was still simple, it had already to be planned beforehand and each individual knew that if he has not done his part, he will die of hunger in the coming winter. At the same time another development followed — the terrible hardship became a means for breeding of a race. Whoever was weak or sickly could not survive the terrible winter period and died prematurely. What remained was a race of strong and healthy giants. Yet another trait of this race was born. Where man is externally muzzled, where his radius of action is limited, he begins to develop internally.
Externally limited, internally he becomes unlimited. The more man, due to external forces, must depend on himself, the deeper internal life he develops and the more he turns inward. These three achievements: The recognized principle of work as a duty, the necessity, not only out of egoism but for preservation of the whole group of people — a small clan; second — the necessity of bodily health and thereby also of normal mental health; and third — the deep spiritual life. All these gave the northern races the ability to go to the world and build states. If this power could not find its full expression in the high North, it became apparent when the ice shackles fell and man turned south to the happier, freer nature. We know that all these northern peoples had one symbol in common — the symbol of the Sun. You will find this cross as a Hakenkreuz as far as India and Japan, carved in the temple pillars.
It is the Swastika, which was once a sign of established communities of Aryan Culture. Those races, today called Aryans, created all the great cultures of the ancient world. We know that Egypt was brought upon its high cultural level by Aryan immigrants. Similarly, Persia and Greece; the immigrants were blond, blue eyed Aryans. And we know that outside of these Aryan states no civilized states have been founded. There emerged mixed races between the black, dark eyed and dark colored, southern races and the immigrants, but they failed to create any large, creative culture states. Why is it that only Aryans possessed the ability to create states?
It was due, almost exclusively, to their attitude toward work. Those races which, as the first, stopped seeing work as the result of coercion and saw it rather as a necessity born out of hundreds of thousands of years of hardship, had to become superior to other people. And, besides, it was work that made people come together and divide the work among them. We know that the moment the individual work to sustain oneself turned into work within communities, the community tended to assign a particular work to those particularly talented, and with increasing division of work it became necessary for still greater joining together into still bigger groups. So, it is work which created kinships at first, later tribes, and still later, led to the creation of states. If we see, as the first prerequisite for creating states, the conception of work as social duty, so the second necessary ingredient is racial health and purity. And nothing helped the northern conquerors more against the lazy and rotten southern races than the refined strength of their race.
States would remain an empty vessel if not decorated with that which we normally call culture. If we removed everything and kept just railways, ships, etc. The moment their great, inborn imagination could act in great, free areas, it created everywhere immortal works. We see this process repeated continuously even in the smallest scale. Similarly, we know that great minds are often born at the bottom of society, unable to develop there but, given an opportunity, they begin to grow and become leaders in arts, sciences, and also in politics. We know today that there are extensive interrelations between the state, nation, culture, art and work and it would be madness to think that any of them could exist independently of the others. Let us take art — considered as an international domain — and we shall see that it is unconditionally dependent on the state.
Art blossomed in those areas where the political development made it possible. The art of Greece reached its highest level when the young state had triumphed over invading Persian armies. Construction of the Acropolis began at that time. Rome became the city of art after the end of the Punic Wars, and Germany built her cathedrals, as in Worms, Speyer and Limburg, when the German Empire under Salians had achieved its greatest triumphs. We can follow this connection to our time. We know that art, for example the beauty of German towns, always depended on political development of these towns; that it was political considerations which moved Napoleon III to regulating of the Boulevards and Friedrich the Great to establishing Unter den Linden. Similarly in Munich where it was obvious that the city could not become an industrial center and so art was chosen to elevate the rank of the city, which now everyone who wants to get to know Germany must visit.
The case was similar with other arts. The moment the small, powerless statelets began to unite into one state, then also one German art, proud of itself, began to grow. The works of Richard Wagner appeared in the period when shame and powerlessness were replaced by a unified, great German Reich. And so, not just art is dependent on the state, on the politics of the state; the same is the case with work itself because only a sound state is in the position to give the opportunity of working to its citizens and let them use their talents. The opposite is the case with the race in relation to everything else. A state with a rotten, sick and unsound race will never produce great works of art or make great politics, or at least bask in abundance. Each of these factors depends on the others.
And only when all of them complement each other, can we say: There is harmony in the state, the way we Germanics understand it. Can the Jew build a state? Now we have to ask ourselves the question: How about the Jew as a state builder? Does the Jew possess the power to create a state? First we must examine his attitude to work, find out how he perceives the principle of work, and excuse me if I now take a book called The Bible. I am not claiming that all its contents are necessarily true, as we know that Jewry was very liberal in writing it. One thing, however, is certain: it has not been written by an antisemite.
Laughter It is very important because no antisemite would have been able to write a more terrible indictment against the Jewish race than the Bible, the Old Testament. Ladies and Gentlemen! Already here we see that the whole world lies between us; we could never conceive of work as a punishment — otherwise we would all have been convicts. We do not want to conceive of work as punishment. I must confess: I would not have been able to exist without work, and hundreds of thousands and millions would have been able to withstand perhaps 3 or 5 days, maybe even 10, but not 90 or 100 days without any activity. If Paradise really existed, the Land of Plenty, then our people would have been unhappy in it. Calls: Hear, hear We Germans seek constantly a possibility to do something and if we cannot find anything, at least from time to time we hit one another in the face.
Laughter We are unable to bear absolute rest. Thus we see, already here, a big difference. Because a Jew has written this, true or not is unimportant because it still reflects the opinion which Jewry has about work. For them work is not an obvious ethical duty but at most a means to sustenance. In our eyes, this is not work because in this case any activity serving self-preservation, without regard to fellow men, might be called work. And we know that this work, in the past, consisted of plundering of caravans, and today in planned plundering of indebted farmers, industrialists and workers. The form has changed but the principle is the same.
We do not call it work, but robbery. Calls: Hear, hear When already such a basic notion separates us, here comes another. I have already explained that in the long period in the North the races became purified. This means that all the inferior and weak gradually died out and only the soundest remained. Also, here the Jew differs from us because he has not become purified but instead practiced inbreeding; he multiplied greatly but only in narrow circles, and without selection. And therefore we see a generation which is plagued by defects caused by inbreeding. Finally, the Jew does not possess the third factor: The inner spiritual life.
I do not need to explain here what a Jew generally looks like. You all know him.
Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года
| Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939 | Opening Address at the Seventh National Socialist Congress. Nuremberg, September 11, 1935. FELLOW MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST PARTY: The Congress in which we are now assembled is the Seventh Congress of the National Socialist Movement. It is sixteen years since the. |
| 1 September 1939 Reichstag speech - Wikipedia | Всем историкам третьего рейха давно известно, что Адольфа Гитлера звали Шекель Грубер, а это прямо указывает на его истинное происхождение. О каком немецком нацизме вообще может идти речь если Гитлер был сами понимаете кем. Teкcт выcтyплeния нa нeмeцкoм языкe. |
| Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941 | Reichstag Speech, May 21, 1935. "We recognize, with the understanding and the heartfelt friendship of true Nationalists, the Polish State as the home of a great, nationally-conscious people." "The German Reich and, in particular, the present German Government, have no other wish than to live on friendly. |
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Речь гитлера на немецком текст
| Речь гитлера на немецком языке текст | Speech (1933) | Текст песни. Тексты песен. |
| Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года: d_34 — LiveJournal | Выступление гитлера на немецком текст. |
| Речь Гитлера на съезде НСДАП 1934 | Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. |
| Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере | Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются. |
| Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939 | 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich. |
Речь Гитлера на съезде НСДАП 1934
He was his right hand. Our German folk believed this man then. They had no idea that they were dealing here with an American President, that is, with a man who has no regard for truths; who, for example, can calmly say before an election: "I shall vote against war," and after the election can say: "I vote for war. So there came the hour then the German people got its disappointment at the moment when the German subordinate emissaries entered the car in the Compiegne forest, now known to us for the second time. And there right away came the rude question: "What are you gentlemen doing here? They said: "He who says that the intention is to take from Germany her...
They said beforehand: "He who says that we want to take away part of the German people is inciting the people! They had broken all their promises! In a few months the German people sank into a state of unimaginably deep despair and despondency-starving people without hope any longer. A people that did not get its war-prisoners back, even after the armistice and peace-treaty had been signed! A people that was not given food, even after it was defenseless!
A people that was now repeatedly coerced,-if one carefully studies those times-from whom re-subjection was again and again demanded, extorted by some new repression. When one reflects upon this even today, one falls even now into a state of burning hatred and rancor against a world in which anything like this is possible. Well, it was at that time, my racial comrades, when everything was broken up, when the upper leadership had faithlessly fled abroad, when others were surrendering, when the Wehrmacht had to give up its weapons, when the people disarmed themselves voluntarily,-it was at that time, when the agitation? It was such a mad determination in the eyes of those others, that my closest friends did not understand me. I found the strength for this determination only from my knowledge of the people.
If, at that time, I had only known the upper ten thousand, believe me, my German people-I would not stand before you today, I would never have found courage for this thought which is capable of revolutionizing a people. I knew at that time first and all the people itself; I knew... I could not abandon that, for it would have been to betray my own comrades, who were just as badly... I have come to know the great mass of the German people, ladies and gentlemen, from living with them. And these masses have not only upheld my belief in the people, but have restored it, and constantly strengthened it through all the years since then, in the face of contrary circumstances, or when any misfortune seemed to threaten the realization of my plans.
It was clear to me that this whole development, just as in the last 20 years or 30 years before the war, could lead only to collapse. But I had already formed the resolve to declare war on this whole development. That is not merely to declare: "I will get a German Wehrmacht, I will get an army or an air-force"; it was clear to me that the inner structure of the social order must be altered, so that in the dead body of our people the blood would flow again, and that society should hold firmly... I have always looked upon this undertaking as possible, as within the power of the country. But I was of the conviction that strength could only be given to a body in which the sight and the essence of the new condition was already incorporated.
Therefore, I was resolved to build up a small movement, beginning with those people who should already have within themselves that which appeared later as really essential to the whole of society. And this was perhaps not so hard as I thought, inasmuch as I was already on guard against the danger of unworthy place-seekers or selfish persons joining my ranks. For whoever joined this movement in those years from 1919-23 had to be a boundless idealist. Any other kind of man would only say: "He is an utter fool. The man is mad.
And I can say that of all my followers, all of them who at that time and later supported me: they had nothing to win, and everything to lose. And how much have they all lost for my sake. I have now begun this battle, first against stupidity, stupidity and inertia, under the so-called higher strata; I have begun it against the cowardice which spreads caste far and wide, the cowardice which always pretended to be cleverness and came around and said: "We must submit; we must be patient"; or, as Herr Erzberger said, "We must sign everything, we must sign everything they put before us; then they will forgive us; then it will be all right again. Often we have experienced... And we were not quiet.
I then formed the program: "The German language belongs to the German. And I had at that time to fight on further against selfish? The man of the Left said to me: "You are going against my interests" or "You are going against my interests. My interests are class interests. And these class interests oblige me to slay the other fellow.
We have the interests of station, we too have our interests,... Do not come in here! And above the interests which seemed to be found in station or in class, stood sic the interests which lie in the folk, in that community which cannot be torn apart, all this appears today to be so obvious a thing to get all these... One group did not want to accept this idea,... We want our old filth...
Eventually you will even demand of me that I should add one... To me also it is obvious, we want... All that was thus not so simple, slowly to draw one thing after another out of this people, and how many have quite simply run away from it. It was not, indeed, my national comrades, as if every one who came to me at that time, on that account also remained with me. Many a time I had to bring fifty or sixty somewhere...
All the others were gone again. And one had to begin again. I made a calculation at that time. If I win a hundred over, and have only ten remain to me, and the other ninety always leave me, then gradually they will become a hundred if I win a thousand. If I win ten thousand, they will be a thousand, and gradually the number of those who remain will grow ever larger.
And if one had departed for the second or third time, perhaps, then perhaps he will be embarrassed to go the fifth time, and then he too will remain. And thus, with unbelievable patience and with perseverance and persistence I will slowly build up a group that is a majority in the German Reich itself. The others may laugh or mock as much as they wish. It does not matter. They may go against us.
That does not matter; then we will defend ourselves. We will not capitulate. We will not get off the street, we will not give up our places until we... The feeling of the National Socialist is today obvious to us. However at that time, these were new ideas, new learnings, which were neither understood, nor of course, accepted by many.
And another thing was added to this, a cursed tradition, in which every single... It was a fight against traditions, and also, naturally, against the elements of cultural up-bringing. Some said,... One is studied, taught, hammered in, in God knows how many homework hours, and the other is innate born and will always come to the fore, and will know how to find a following among his natural and necessary talents of leadership. It was a struggle against almost all of the things which we were accustomed to in life.
Besides this, there was a fight against certain natural interests. For some, because. I do not know what is more evil, a bodily threat rather than a spiritual suppression which can perhaps break down a person even faster than a physical threat. There have been heroes who have come forward at that time. And I should like to explain something about that: These heroes have in reality continued the war of 1914-1918.
One sees them yet so displayed as if they were soldiers in my eyes and their party, no, that the soldiers have been once, and indeed the best soldiers. They were the best soldiers that have ever been, who would not and could not bear the acquiescence, thus we recognize it today, that a really good National Socialist will also be always the best soldier. And now came the organized opponents also. They were first of all approximately 46 or 47 parties, who hesitated accordingly to unite together the bicyclists, or the small gardeners, or cottagers, or other people. But there were some 48 parties.
An Allied Opposition. And here above all the party secretaries, their functionaries,. For where, after all, was a... You are fighting here for something that can be of no use to anyone. You will both have to get off your high horse.
In the long run you cannot do without each other. And as an example he says, or he makes rejoinders, which... Where, then, do the trade-union secretaries and the syndics get? And most of all, where then do the dear Jews get, who had, indeed, their interests so much in both camps, who on the one hand directed capital, even, and on the other hand led the anti-capitalists, and often, indeed, as one family with two brothers in both camps. My dear national comrades!
When at that time I began this fight, I knew very well that it was a fight against an entire condition of things, and how hard it was only my fellow-fighters can know, who realized that for me the last war had offered clear... I continued to fight when I could speak again, and I have gone up and down the country, and from city to city, and have spoken and labored again and again, always with the single thought to loose the German people from this bond, to deliver them from their lethargy, and voice is fading. Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice.
Now the whole nation understands it; what was then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover. This good fortune, to be able to give... How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast. Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days.
I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison. And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also.
And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting.
Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us.
These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the... They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany! Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had...
This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out. If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not...
Рабство уменьшится, свободы прибавляется, и мы всё больше будем мирно творчески этим пользоваться. Пусть тебя не смущает, что в данный момент угрожающе трещит. Это делается быстро, беспощадно и всё глупее, так что всё больше людей всё скорее мигают и с удивлением видит: оппа, вот так обстоят дела, которые до сих пор были вне моей оптики… Нет, я в этом больше не буду участвовать. Направляю свою благодарность Адольфу Гитлеру и немецкому народу. Миллионы немцев тогда участвовали в борьбе, в которой тогда ещё невозможно было победить.
Но бойцами авангарда они были. Они пробивали бреши. С тех пор те были затушёвываны и замазаны… и в наше новое время опять выстпают наружу, на поверхность.
Это соответствовало цели не только британской, но и советской политики, ибо как Англия, так и Советская Россия хотели, чтобы эта война длилась как можно дольше, чтобы ослабить всю Европу и максимально обессилить ее. Угрожающее наступление России также в конечном счете служило только одной задаче: взять в свои руки важную основу экономической жизни не только Германии, но и всей Европы или, в зависимости от обстоятельств, как минимум уничтожить её.
Но именно Германский Рейх с 1933 года с бесконечным терпением старался сделать государства Юго-Восточной Европы своими торговыми партнерами. Поэтому мы были больше всех заинтересованы в их внутренней государственной консолидации и сохранении в них порядка. Вторжение России в Румынию и союз Греции с Англией угрожали вскоре превратить и эти территории в арену всеобщей войны. Вопреки нашим принципам и обычаям я в ответ на настоятельную просьбу тогдашнего румынского правительства, которое само было повинно в таком развитии событий, дал совет ради мира уступить советскому шантажу и отдать Бессарабию. Но румынское правительство считало, что сможет оправдать этот шаг перед своим народом лишь при том условий, если Германия и Италия в порядке возмещения ущерба, дадут как минимум гарантию нерушимости границ оставшейся части Румынии.
Я сделал это с тяжелым сердцем. Причина понятна: если Германский Рейх дает гарантию, это означает, что он за нее ручается. Мы не англичане и не евреи. Я верил до последнего часа, что послужу делу мира в этом регионе, даже если приму на себя тяжелые обязательства. Но чтобы окончательно решить эти проблемы и уяснить русскую позицию по отношению к Рейху, испытывая давление постоянно усиливающейся мобилизации на наших восточных границах, я пригласил господина Молотова в Берлин.
Советский министр иностранных дел потребовал прояснения позиции или согласия Германии по следующим 4 вопросам: 1-й вопрос Молотова: Будет ли германская гарантия Румынии в случае нападения Советской России на Румынию направлена также против Советской России? Германская гарантия имеет общий и обязательный для нас характер. Россия никогда не заявляла нам, что, кроме Бессарабии, у нее вообще есть в Румынии еще какие-то интересы. Оккупация Северной Буковины уже была нарушением этого заверения. Поэтому я не думаю, что Россия теперь вдруг вознамерилась предпринять какие-то дальнейшие действия против Румынии.
Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии поддержки и, прежде всего, немедленно отвести назад немецкие войска, которые продвигаются к Киркенесу на смену прежним? Германия по-прежнему не имеет в Финляндии никаких политических интересов, однако правительство Германского рейха не могло бы терпимо отнестись к новой войне России против маленького финского народа, тем более мы никогда не могли поверить в угрозу России со стороны Финляндии. Мы вообще не хотели бы, чтобы Балтийское море опять стало театром военных действий. Болгария — суверенное государство, и мне неизвестно, обращалась ли вообще Болгария к Советской России с просьбой о гарантии подобно тому, как Румыния обратилась к Германии. Кроме того, я должен обсудить этот вопрос с моими союзниками.
Согласится с этим Германия или нет? Германия готова в любой момент дать свое согласие на изменение статуса проливов, определенного соглашением в Монтрё в пользу черноморских государств, но Германия не готова согласиться на создание русских военных баз в проливах. Я занял в данном вопросе позицию, которую только и мог занять как ответственный вождь Германского рейха и как сознающий свою ответственность представитель европейской культуры и цивилизации. Результатом стало усиление советской деятельности, направленной против Рейха, прежде всего, немедленно был начат подкоп под новое румынское государство, усилились и попытки с помощью пропаганды свергнуть болгарское правительство. С помощью запутавшихся, незрелых людей из румынского Легиона удалось инсценировать государственный переворот, целью которого было свергнуть главу государства генерала Антонеску, ввергнуть страну в хаос и, устранив законную власть, создать предпосылки для того, чтобы обещанные Германией гарантии не могли вступить в силу.
Несмотря на это, я продолжал считать, что лучше всего хранить молчание. Сразу же после краха этой авантюры опять усилилась концентрация русских войск на восточной границе Германии. Танковые и парашютные войска во все большем количестве перебрасывались на угрожающе близкое к германской границе расстояние. Германский Вермахт и германская родина знают, что еще несколько недель назад на нашей восточной границе не было ни одной немецкой танковой или моторизованной дивизии. Но если требовалось последнее доказательство того, что, несмотря на все опровержения и маскировку, возникла коалиция между Англией и Советской Россией, то его дал югославский конфликт.
Пока я предпринимал последнюю попытку умиротворения Балкан и, разумеется, вместе с дуче предложил Югославии присоединиться к Тройственному пакту, Англия и Советская Россия совместно организовали путч, и за одну ночь устранили тогдашнее правительство, готовое к взаимопониманию. Сегодня об этом можно рассказать немецкому народу: антигерманский государственный переворот в Сербии произошел не только под английскими, но и, прежде всего, под советскими знаменами. Поскольку мы промолчали и об этом, советское руководство сделало следующий шаг. Оно не только организовало путч, но и несколько дней спустя заключило со своими новыми ставленниками известный договор о дружбе, призванный укрепить волю Сербии оказать сопротивление умиротворению на Балканах и натравить ее на Германию. И это не было платоническим намерением.
Москва требовала мобилизации сербской армии. Поскольку я продолжал считать, что лучше не высказываться, кремлевские правители сделали еще один шаг. Правительство германского рейха располагает сегодня документами, из которых явствует, что Россия, чтобы окончательно втянуть Сербию в войну, обещало ей поставить через Салоники оружие, самолеты, боеприпасы и прочие военные материалы против Германии. И это происходило почти в тот самый момент, когда я еще советовал японскому министру иностранных дел д-ру Мацуоке добиваться разрядки с Россией, все еще надеясь послужить этим делу мира. Только быстрый прорыв наших несравненных дивизий к Скопье и занятие самих Салоник воспрепятствовали осуществлению этого советско-англосаксонского заговора.
Офицеры сербских ВВС улетели в Россию и были приняты там как союзники. Только победа держав Оси на Балканах сорвала план втянуть Германию этим летом в многомесячную борьбу на юго-востоке, а тем временем завершить сосредоточение советских армий, усилить их боевую готовность, а потом вместе с Англией, с надеждой на американские поставки, задушить и задавить Германский Рейх и Италию. Тем самым Москва не только нарушила положения нашего пакта о дружбе, но и жалким образом его предала. И в то же время правители Кремля до последней минуты, как и в случаях с Финляндией и Румынией, лицемерно уверяли внешний мир в своем стремлении к миру и дружбе и составляли внешне безобидные опровержения. Если до сих пор обстоятельства вынуждали меня хранить молчание, то теперь настал момент, когда дальнейшее бездействие будет не только грехом попустительства, но и преступлением против немецкого народа и всей Европы.
Сегодня на нашей границе стоят 160 русских дивизий. В последние недели имеют место непрерывные нарушения этой границы, не только нашей, но и на дальнем севере и в Румынии. Русские летчики забавляются тем, что беззаботно перелетают эту границу, словно хотят показать нам, что они уже чувствуют себя хозяевами этой территории. В ночь с 17 на 18 июня русские патрули снова вторглись на территорию рейха и были вытеснены только после длительной перестрелки.
Поэтому с августа 1940 года я пришел к выводу, что интересы Рейха будут нарушены роковым образом, если перед лицом этого мощного сосредоточения большевистских дивизий мы оставим незащищенными наши восточные провинции, которые и так уже не раз опустошались.
Произошло то, на что было направлено англо-советское сотрудничество, а именно: на Востоке были связаны столь большие немецкие силы, что руководство Германии не могло больше рассчитывать на радикальное окончание войны на Западе, особенно в результате действий авиации. Это соответствовало цели не только британской, но и советской политики, ибо как Англия, так и Советская Россия хотели, чтобы эта война длилась как можно дольше, чтобы ослабить всю Европу и максимально обессилить ее. Угрожающее наступление России также в конечном счете служило только одной задаче: взять в свои руки важную основу экономической жизни не только Германии, но и всей Европы или, в зависимости от обстоятельств, как минимум уничтожить её. Но именно Германский Рейх с 1933 года с бесконечным терпением старался сделать государства Юго-Восточной Европы своими торговыми партнерами. Поэтому мы были больше всех заинтересованы в их внутренней государственной консолидации и сохранении в них порядка.
Вторжение России в Румынию и союз Греции с Англией угрожали вскоре превратить и эти территории в арену всеобщей войны. Вопреки нашим принципам и обычаям я в ответ на настоятельную просьбу тогдашнего румынского правительства, которое само было повинно в таком развитии событий, дал совет ради мира уступить советскому шантажу и отдать Бессарабию. Но румынское правительство считало, что сможет оправдать этот шаг перед своим народом лишь при том условий, если Германия и Италия в порядке возмещения ущерба, дадут как минимум гарантию нерушимости границ оставшейся части Румынии. Я сделал это с тяжелым сердцем. Причина понятна: если Германский Рейх дает гарантию, это означает, что он за нее ручается.
Мы не англичане и не евреи. Я верил до последнего часа, что послужу делу мира в этом регионе, даже если приму на себя тяжелые обязательства. Но чтобы окончательно решить эти проблемы и уяснить русскую позицию по отношению к Рейху, испытывая давление постоянно усиливающейся мобилизации на наших восточных границах, я пригласил господина Молотова в Берлин. Советский министр иностранных дел потребовал прояснения позиции или согласия Германии по следующим 4 вопросам: 1-й вопрос Молотова: Будет ли германская гарантия Румынии в случае нападения Советской России на Румынию направлена также против Советской России? Германская гарантия имеет общий и обязательный для нас характер.
Россия никогда не заявляла нам, что, кроме Бессарабии, у нее вообще есть в Румынии еще какие-то интересы. Оккупация Северной Буковины уже была нарушением этого заверения. Поэтому я не думаю, что Россия теперь вдруг вознамерилась предпринять какие-то дальнейшие действия против Румынии. Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии поддержки и, прежде всего, немедленно отвести назад немецкие войска, которые продвигаются к Киркенесу на смену прежним? Германия по-прежнему не имеет в Финляндии никаких политических интересов, однако правительство Германского рейха не могло бы терпимо отнестись к новой войне России против маленького финского народа, тем более мы никогда не могли поверить в угрозу России со стороны Финляндии.
Мы вообще не хотели бы, чтобы Балтийское море опять стало театром военных действий. Болгария — суверенное государство, и мне неизвестно, обращалась ли вообще Болгария к Советской России с просьбой о гарантии подобно тому, как Румыния обратилась к Германии. Кроме того, я должен обсудить этот вопрос с моими союзниками. Согласится с этим Германия или нет? Германия готова в любой момент дать свое согласие на изменение статуса проливов, определенного соглашением в Монтрё в пользу черноморских государств, но Германия не готова согласиться на создание русских военных баз в проливах.
Я занял в данном вопросе позицию, которую только и мог занять как ответственный вождь Германского рейха и как сознающий свою ответственность представитель европейской культуры и цивилизации. Результатом стало усиление советской деятельности, направленной против Рейха, прежде всего, немедленно был начат подкоп под новое румынское государство, усилились и попытки с помощью пропаганды свергнуть болгарское правительство. С помощью запутавшихся, незрелых людей из румынского Легиона удалось инсценировать государственный переворот, целью которого было свергнуть главу государства генерала Антонеску, ввергнуть страну в хаос и, устранив законную власть, создать предпосылки для того, чтобы обещанные Германией гарантии не могли вступить в силу. Несмотря на это, я продолжал считать, что лучше всего хранить молчание. Сразу же после краха этой авантюры опять усилилась концентрация русских войск на восточной границе Германии.
Танковые и парашютные войска во все большем количестве перебрасывались на угрожающе близкое к германской границе расстояние. Германский Вермахт и германская родина знают, что еще несколько недель назад на нашей восточной границе не было ни одной немецкой танковой или моторизованной дивизии. Но если требовалось последнее доказательство того, что, несмотря на все опровержения и маскировку, возникла коалиция между Англией и Советской Россией, то его дал югославский конфликт. Пока я предпринимал последнюю попытку умиротворения Балкан и, разумеется, вместе с дуче предложил Югославии присоединиться к Тройственному пакту, Англия и Советская Россия совместно организовали путч, и за одну ночь устранили тогдашнее правительство, готовое к взаимопониманию. Сегодня об этом можно рассказать немецкому народу: антигерманский государственный переворот в Сербии произошел не только под английскими, но и, прежде всего, под советскими знаменами.
Поскольку мы промолчали и об этом, советское руководство сделало следующий шаг.
Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом
text of Hitler s. My German Fellow Countrymen and Women, My Comrades! At present everybody speaks before the forum which seems to them the most fitting. Some speak before a parliament whose existence, composition and origin (are well known). I believe that I should return again today whence I came. причем в оригинале, русский перевод с купюрами я уже. Речь гитлера текст. Гитлер 1941 речь. Выступление Гитлера с переводом. Berlin, May 17, 1933. Deputies, Ladies and Gentlemen of the German Reichstag! In the name of the Reich Government I have asked the Reichstag President to convene the Reichstag so that I may take a stand before this forum on the questions which today affect not only our Volk but the entire world. Речь гитлера текст. Гитлер 1941 речь. Выступление Гитлера с переводом.
Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941
We see this process repeated continuously even in the smallest scale. Similarly, we know that great minds are often born at the bottom of society, unable to develop there but, given an opportunity, they begin to grow and become leaders in arts, sciences, and also in politics. We know today that there are extensive interrelations between the state, nation, culture, art and work and it would be madness to think that any of them could exist independently of the others. Let us take art — considered as an international domain — and we shall see that it is unconditionally dependent on the state. Art blossomed in those areas where the political development made it possible.
The art of Greece reached its highest level when the young state had triumphed over invading Persian armies. Construction of the Acropolis began at that time. Rome became the city of art after the end of the Punic Wars, and Germany built her cathedrals, as in Worms, Speyer and Limburg, when the German Empire under Salians had achieved its greatest triumphs. We can follow this connection to our time.
We know that art, for example the beauty of German towns, always depended on political development of these towns; that it was political considerations which moved Napoleon III to regulating of the Boulevards and Friedrich the Great to establishing Unter den Linden. Similarly in Munich where it was obvious that the city could not become an industrial center and so art was chosen to elevate the rank of the city, which now everyone who wants to get to know Germany must visit. The case was similar with other arts. The moment the small, powerless statelets began to unite into one state, then also one German art, proud of itself, began to grow.
The works of Richard Wagner appeared in the period when shame and powerlessness were replaced by a unified, great German Reich. And so, not just art is dependent on the state, on the politics of the state; the same is the case with work itself because only a sound state is in the position to give the opportunity of working to its citizens and let them use their talents. The opposite is the case with the race in relation to everything else. A state with a rotten, sick and unsound race will never produce great works of art or make great politics, or at least bask in abundance.
Each of these factors depends on the others. And only when all of them complement each other, can we say: There is harmony in the state, the way we Germanics understand it. Can the Jew build a state? Now we have to ask ourselves the question: How about the Jew as a state builder?
Does the Jew possess the power to create a state? First we must examine his attitude to work, find out how he perceives the principle of work, and excuse me if I now take a book called The Bible. I am not claiming that all its contents are necessarily true, as we know that Jewry was very liberal in writing it. One thing, however, is certain: it has not been written by an antisemite.
Laughter It is very important because no antisemite would have been able to write a more terrible indictment against the Jewish race than the Bible, the Old Testament. Ladies and Gentlemen! Already here we see that the whole world lies between us; we could never conceive of work as a punishment — otherwise we would all have been convicts. We do not want to conceive of work as punishment.
I must confess: I would not have been able to exist without work, and hundreds of thousands and millions would have been able to withstand perhaps 3 or 5 days, maybe even 10, but not 90 or 100 days without any activity. If Paradise really existed, the Land of Plenty, then our people would have been unhappy in it. Calls: Hear, hear We Germans seek constantly a possibility to do something and if we cannot find anything, at least from time to time we hit one another in the face. Laughter We are unable to bear absolute rest.
Thus we see, already here, a big difference. Because a Jew has written this, true or not is unimportant because it still reflects the opinion which Jewry has about work. For them work is not an obvious ethical duty but at most a means to sustenance. In our eyes, this is not work because in this case any activity serving self-preservation, without regard to fellow men, might be called work.
And we know that this work, in the past, consisted of plundering of caravans, and today in planned plundering of indebted farmers, industrialists and workers. The form has changed but the principle is the same. We do not call it work, but robbery. Calls: Hear, hear When already such a basic notion separates us, here comes another.
I have already explained that in the long period in the North the races became purified. This means that all the inferior and weak gradually died out and only the soundest remained. Also, here the Jew differs from us because he has not become purified but instead practiced inbreeding; he multiplied greatly but only in narrow circles, and without selection. And therefore we see a generation which is plagued by defects caused by inbreeding.
Finally, the Jew does not possess the third factor: The inner spiritual life. I do not need to explain here what a Jew generally looks like. You all know him. Laughter You know his constant restlessness that never gives him a possibility to concentrate and have a spiritual experience.
In the most solemn moments he flickers his eyes and one can see that even during the most beautiful opera he is calculating dividends. Laughter The Jew has never had his own art. Hear, hear His own temple has been built by foreign builders: The first was the Assyrians, and for the building of the second — the Roman artists. He has not left anything which might be called art, no buildings, nothing.
We shall not conceal that today he has many famous conductors whose fame he can thank the well-organized Jewish Press for. Laughter When a nation does not possess these three traits, it is not able to create states. And that is true because throughout centuries the Jew was always a nomad. He has never had what we might call a state.
On the one side, there was always a great chasm between the tribes of Judah and Caleb and the northern Israeli tribes, and only David, for the first time, succeeded in gradually bridging the chasm through the unitary cult of Yahweh. We know precisely that this cult has at a very late time chosen for itself Jerusalem as its sole seat. Only from that moment have the Jewish people gotten a center, like Berlin or New York or Warsaw today. Because a people which does not want to work — the often hard work of building and maintaining a state — to work in mines, factories, in construction etc.
Such a people will never establish a state but prefers to live in some other state where others work and he acts as an intermediary in business, a dealer in the best case, or in good German — a robber, a nomad who undertakes robbing raids just like in ancient times. Lively bravo! Efforts are made to explain that so and so many Jews have been found that want to go there as farmers, workers, even soldiers. Laughter If these people really have this urge in themselves, Germany today needs these ideal men as turf cutters and coal miners; they could take part in building our water power plants, our lakes etc.
The whole Zionist state will be nothing else than the perfect high school for their international criminals, and from there they will be directed. And every Jew will, of course, have immunity as a citizen of the Palestinian state Laughter and he will of course keep our citizenship. But when caught red-handed, he will not be a German Jew any longer but a citizen of Palestine. Laughter One can almost say that the Jew cannot help it because everything stems from his race.
A Jew is everywhere a Jew; consciously or unconsciously, he resolutely represents the interests of his race. Thus we can see the two great differences between races: Aryanism means ethical perception of work and that which we today so often hear — socialism, community spirit, common good before own good. Jewry means egoistic attitude to work and thereby mammonism and materialism, the opposite of socialism. He cannot do otherwise, whether he wants to or not.
And thereby he is unable to create his own state because it requires a lot of social sense. He is only able to live as a parasite in the states of others. He lives as a race amongst other races, in a state within others states. And we can see very precisely that when a race does not possess certain traits which must be hereditary, it not only cannot create a state but must act as a destroyer, no matter if a given individual is good or evil.
The Jewish path of destruction We can follow this fate of Jewry from the earliest prehistory. It is not important if there is truth in every word of the Bible. In general, it gives us at least an extract of the history of Jewry. We see how the Jews present themselves because the Jew wrote these words quite innocuously.
It did not appear to him as outrageous when a race, through cunning and deceit, invaded and despoiled other races, was always finally expelled and, unoffended, sought to repeat the same elsewhere. They pimped and haggled even when it came to their ideals, always ready to offer even their own families. We know that not long ago a gentleman was staying here, Sigmund Fraenkel, who has just written that it is quite unjust to accuse Jews of a materialistic spirit. One should only look at their sunny family life.
However, this intimate family life did not prevent Grandfather Abraham from pimping off his own wife to the Pharaoh of Egypt in order to be able to do business. Laughter As was the grandfather, so was the father and so were the sons who never neglected their business. And you can be sure that they are not neglecting the business even as we speak. Who among you was a soldier, he will remember Galicia or Poland: There, at the train stations, these Abrahams were everywhere.
Laughter and hand clapping They penetrated into other races for millennia. And we know very well that wherever they stayed long enough symptoms of decay appeared and the peoples could do nothing else than to liberate themselves from the uninvited guest or to disappear themselves. Heavy plagues came over the nations, no less then ten in Egypt — the same plague we experience today firsthand — and finally the Egyptians lost their patience. When the chronicler describes that the Jews were suffering when they finally left, we know differently, for as soon as they were out, they began to long after coming back.
Jede Generation muss sich am Krieg beteiligen. Niemand wird den Gewinner fragen, ob er die Wahrheit gesagt hat oder nicht. Nur ein fanatischer Mob ist leicht zu kontrollieren. Ein Blut ist ein Staat! Ein Wort war mir nie bekannt — aufgeben. Geschichte wurde nie zu einer Zahl gemacht! Kritik ist die Selbstdarstellung der Verlierer.
After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government.
I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems. It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods. Their importance is exclusively psychological and economic.
To accord military importance to a traffic route of this kind, would be to show oneself completely ignorant of military affairs. Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich. In return, Germany is prepared:- 1 To recognise all Polish economic rights in Danzig. The Polish Government have rejected my offer and have only declared that they are prepared 1 to negotiate concerning the question of a substitute for the Commissioner of the League of Nations and 2 to consider facilities for the transit traffic through the Corridor. I have regretted greatly this incomprehensible attitude of the Polish Government, but that alone is not the decisive fact, the worst is that now Poland, like Czecho-Slovakia a year ago, believes, under the pressure of a lying international campaign, that it must call up troops, although Germany on her part has not called up a single man and had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland. As I have said, this is in itself very regrettable and posterity will one day decide whether it was really right to refuse this suggestion made this once by me. This-as I have said-was an endeavour on my part to solve a question which intimately affects the German people by a truly unique compromise, and to solve it to the advantage of both countries. According to my conviction Poland was not a giving party in this solution at all but only a receiving party, because it should be beyond all doubt that Danzig will never become Polish.
The intention to attack on the part of Germany, which was merely invented by the international press, led as you know to the so-called guarantee offer and to an obligation on the part of the Polish Government for mutual assistance, which would also, under certain circumstances, compel Poland to take military action against Germany in the event of a conflict between Germany and any other Power and in which England, in her turn, would be involved.
Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige. Bolschewismus, das uneheliche Kind des Christentums. Seien Sie vorsichtig mit Menschen, sie sind unberechenbar. Die Grenzen aller Staaten sind nur das Ergebnis eines politischen Kampfes.
Антон Усов.
Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension. Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension. For this loosening of the tension is assuredly not to be achieved through the agitations of insane warmongers, but through the removal of the real elements of danger.
After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government. I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems.
It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods. Their importance is exclusively psychological and economic. To accord military importance to a traffic route of this kind, would be to show oneself completely ignorant of military affairs. Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich.
States would remain an empty vessel if not decorated with that which we normally call culture. If we removed everything and kept just railways, ships, etc.
The moment their great, inborn imagination could act in great, free areas, it created everywhere immortal works. We see this process repeated continuously even in the smallest scale. Similarly, we know that great minds are often born at the bottom of society, unable to develop there but, given an opportunity, they begin to grow and become leaders in arts, sciences, and also in politics. We know today that there are extensive interrelations between the state, nation, culture, art and work and it would be madness to think that any of them could exist independently of the others. Let us take art — considered as an international domain — and we shall see that it is unconditionally dependent on the state. Art blossomed in those areas where the political development made it possible. The art of Greece reached its highest level when the young state had triumphed over invading Persian armies.
Construction of the Acropolis began at that time. Rome became the city of art after the end of the Punic Wars, and Germany built her cathedrals, as in Worms, Speyer and Limburg, when the German Empire under Salians had achieved its greatest triumphs. We can follow this connection to our time. We know that art, for example the beauty of German towns, always depended on political development of these towns; that it was political considerations which moved Napoleon III to regulating of the Boulevards and Friedrich the Great to establishing Unter den Linden. Similarly in Munich where it was obvious that the city could not become an industrial center and so art was chosen to elevate the rank of the city, which now everyone who wants to get to know Germany must visit. The case was similar with other arts. The moment the small, powerless statelets began to unite into one state, then also one German art, proud of itself, began to grow.
The works of Richard Wagner appeared in the period when shame and powerlessness were replaced by a unified, great German Reich. And so, not just art is dependent on the state, on the politics of the state; the same is the case with work itself because only a sound state is in the position to give the opportunity of working to its citizens and let them use their talents. The opposite is the case with the race in relation to everything else. A state with a rotten, sick and unsound race will never produce great works of art or make great politics, or at least bask in abundance. Each of these factors depends on the others. And only when all of them complement each other, can we say: There is harmony in the state, the way we Germanics understand it. Can the Jew build a state?
Now we have to ask ourselves the question: How about the Jew as a state builder? Does the Jew possess the power to create a state? First we must examine his attitude to work, find out how he perceives the principle of work, and excuse me if I now take a book called The Bible. I am not claiming that all its contents are necessarily true, as we know that Jewry was very liberal in writing it. One thing, however, is certain: it has not been written by an antisemite. Laughter It is very important because no antisemite would have been able to write a more terrible indictment against the Jewish race than the Bible, the Old Testament. Ladies and Gentlemen!
Already here we see that the whole world lies between us; we could never conceive of work as a punishment — otherwise we would all have been convicts. We do not want to conceive of work as punishment. I must confess: I would not have been able to exist without work, and hundreds of thousands and millions would have been able to withstand perhaps 3 or 5 days, maybe even 10, but not 90 or 100 days without any activity. If Paradise really existed, the Land of Plenty, then our people would have been unhappy in it. Calls: Hear, hear We Germans seek constantly a possibility to do something and if we cannot find anything, at least from time to time we hit one another in the face. Laughter We are unable to bear absolute rest. Thus we see, already here, a big difference.
Because a Jew has written this, true or not is unimportant because it still reflects the opinion which Jewry has about work. For them work is not an obvious ethical duty but at most a means to sustenance. In our eyes, this is not work because in this case any activity serving self-preservation, without regard to fellow men, might be called work. And we know that this work, in the past, consisted of plundering of caravans, and today in planned plundering of indebted farmers, industrialists and workers. The form has changed but the principle is the same. We do not call it work, but robbery. Calls: Hear, hear When already such a basic notion separates us, here comes another.
I have already explained that in the long period in the North the races became purified. This means that all the inferior and weak gradually died out and only the soundest remained. Also, here the Jew differs from us because he has not become purified but instead practiced inbreeding; he multiplied greatly but only in narrow circles, and without selection. And therefore we see a generation which is plagued by defects caused by inbreeding. Finally, the Jew does not possess the third factor: The inner spiritual life. I do not need to explain here what a Jew generally looks like. You all know him.
Laughter You know his constant restlessness that never gives him a possibility to concentrate and have a spiritual experience. In the most solemn moments he flickers his eyes and one can see that even during the most beautiful opera he is calculating dividends. Laughter The Jew has never had his own art. Hear, hear His own temple has been built by foreign builders: The first was the Assyrians, and for the building of the second — the Roman artists. He has not left anything which might be called art, no buildings, nothing. We shall not conceal that today he has many famous conductors whose fame he can thank the well-organized Jewish Press for. Laughter When a nation does not possess these three traits, it is not able to create states.
And that is true because throughout centuries the Jew was always a nomad. He has never had what we might call a state. On the one side, there was always a great chasm between the tribes of Judah and Caleb and the northern Israeli tribes, and only David, for the first time, succeeded in gradually bridging the chasm through the unitary cult of Yahweh. We know precisely that this cult has at a very late time chosen for itself Jerusalem as its sole seat. Only from that moment have the Jewish people gotten a center, like Berlin or New York or Warsaw today. Because a people which does not want to work — the often hard work of building and maintaining a state — to work in mines, factories, in construction etc. Such a people will never establish a state but prefers to live in some other state where others work and he acts as an intermediary in business, a dealer in the best case, or in good German — a robber, a nomad who undertakes robbing raids just like in ancient times.
Lively bravo! Efforts are made to explain that so and so many Jews have been found that want to go there as farmers, workers, even soldiers. Laughter If these people really have this urge in themselves, Germany today needs these ideal men as turf cutters and coal miners; they could take part in building our water power plants, our lakes etc. The whole Zionist state will be nothing else than the perfect high school for their international criminals, and from there they will be directed. And every Jew will, of course, have immunity as a citizen of the Palestinian state Laughter and he will of course keep our citizenship. But when caught red-handed, he will not be a German Jew any longer but a citizen of Palestine. Laughter One can almost say that the Jew cannot help it because everything stems from his race.
A Jew is everywhere a Jew; consciously or unconsciously, he resolutely represents the interests of his race. Thus we can see the two great differences between races: Aryanism means ethical perception of work and that which we today so often hear — socialism, community spirit, common good before own good. Jewry means egoistic attitude to work and thereby mammonism and materialism, the opposite of socialism. He cannot do otherwise, whether he wants to or not. And thereby he is unable to create his own state because it requires a lot of social sense. He is only able to live as a parasite in the states of others. He lives as a race amongst other races, in a state within others states.
And we can see very precisely that when a race does not possess certain traits which must be hereditary, it not only cannot create a state but must act as a destroyer, no matter if a given individual is good or evil. The Jewish path of destruction We can follow this fate of Jewry from the earliest prehistory. It is not important if there is truth in every word of the Bible. In general, it gives us at least an extract of the history of Jewry. We see how the Jews present themselves because the Jew wrote these words quite innocuously. It did not appear to him as outrageous when a race, through cunning and deceit, invaded and despoiled other races, was always finally expelled and, unoffended, sought to repeat the same elsewhere. They pimped and haggled even when it came to their ideals, always ready to offer even their own families.
We know that not long ago a gentleman was staying here, Sigmund Fraenkel, who has just written that it is quite unjust to accuse Jews of a materialistic spirit. One should only look at their sunny family life. However, this intimate family life did not prevent Grandfather Abraham from pimping off his own wife to the Pharaoh of Egypt in order to be able to do business. Laughter As was the grandfather, so was the father and so were the sons who never neglected their business. And you can be sure that they are not neglecting the business even as we speak. Who among you was a soldier, he will remember Galicia or Poland: There, at the train stations, these Abrahams were everywhere. Laughter and hand clapping They penetrated into other races for millennia.
Der Angriff Steiner war ein Befehl! Это был приказ! Наступление Штейнера было приказом! Wer sind Sie, dass Sie es wagen, sich meinen Befehlen zu widersetzen? Jeder hat mich belogen, sogar die SS!
Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. Die Agenda? Weltweit ist das der Fall.
Deutschland ist Paradebeispiel. Damit ist Schluss. Lasse dich nicht beeindrucken davon, dass es derzeit bedrohlich kracht. Ha, da mache ich nicht mit. Ha, ich will konstruktiv wirken, nicht als Idiot im Hamsterrad.
Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года
But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice... These proposals for mediation have failed... Hitler then spoke of the Molotov—Ribbentrop Pact , which had been signed just ten days before, on August 23. I no longer see any reason why [Germany and Russia] should still oppose one another.... We have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which rules out for ever any use of violence between us... Russia and Germany fought against one another in the World War. That shall and will not happen a second time. Hitler justified the German attack by claiming Polish culpability based on invented Polish atrocities at Pitschen and other places, including Gleiwitz and Hochlinden , [3] both of these being part of the culmination of Operation Himmler , a false flag operation intended to demonstrate that the Poles had attacked first, the Gleiwitz incident being the most noted.
This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory.
Избавление России от марксизма Возможно, Россия избавится от еврейского марксизма, но воплотит в жизнь панславизм в самой яростной и свирепой форме. США под ярмом нью-йоркского еврейства, обладающего интеллектом обезьяны, пойдут ко дну. Хрупкость США Огромная материальная мощь в сочетании с огромной нехваткой интеллекта, не даст стране выработать умную доктрину развития. В итоге, белым не удастся сохранить доминирование на континенте. Права голодающих народов Падение США предоставит шанс желтой расе вторгнуться на американский континент.
Шансы на выживание для мужественного народа Шанс на выживание останутся только у той белой нации, кто сможет искоренить еврейство. Как мы видим, при осмысленном прочтении, речь Гитлера содержит достаточно понятные и точные прогнозы будущего мирового развития за исключением последних двух пунктов. Вторжения желтой расы на американский континент еще не произошло.
И когда осознаешь, на сколько близки они были к победе, еще больше начинаешь боготворить подвиг наших солдат и нашего народа, которые смогли сделать невозможное и повернуть эту силу, сплотившую почти всю Европу, вспять… Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом Войти Авторизуясь в LiveJournal с помощью стороннего сервиса вы принимаете условия Пользовательского соглашения LiveJournal Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснил причины нападения Германии на СССР. Немецкий народ! Одолеваемый тяжелыми заботами, я был обречен на многомесячное молчание. Но теперь настал час, когда я, наконец, могу говорить открыто. Когда 3 сентября 1939 года Англия объявила войну Германскому Рейху, снова повторилась британская попытка сорвать любое начало консолидации и вместе с тем подъема Европы посредством борьбы против самой сильной в данное время державы континента. Так некогда Англия после многих войн погубила Испанию. Так вела она войны против Голландии. Так сражалась позже с помощью всей Европы против Франции. И так на рубеже столетия она начала окружение тогдашней Германской империи, а в 1914 году — мировую войну. Только из-за отсутствия внутреннего единства Германия потерпела поражение в 1918 году. Последствия были ужасны. После того, как первоначально было лицемерно объявлено, что борьба ведется только против кайзера и его режима, когда немецкая армия сложила оружие, началось планомерное уничтожение Германской империи. В то время, как казалось, дословно сбывается пророчество одного французского государственного деятеля, что в Германии 20 миллионов лишних людей, то есть их нужно устранить с помощью голода, болезней или эмиграции, национал-социалистическое движение начало свою работу по объединению немецкого народа и тем самым положило путь к возрождению Империи. Этот новый подъем нашего народа из нужды, нищеты и позорного неуважения к нему проходил под знаком чисто внутреннего воздержания. Англию, в частности, это никак не затрагивало и ничего ей не угрожало. Несмотря на это, моментально возобновилась вдохновляемая ненавистью политика окружения Германии. Изнутри и извне плелся известный нам заговор евреев и демократов, большевиков и реакционеров с единственной целью помешать созданию нового национального государства и снова погрузить Рейх в пучину бессилия и нищеты. Кроме нас, ненависть этого международного всемирного заговора была обращена против тех народов, которым тоже не повезло, и они были вынуждены зарабатывать хлеб насущный в самой жестокой борьбе за существование. Прежде вcего, оспаривалось и даже формально запрещалось право Италии и Японии, как и Германии, на свою долю в богатствах этого мира. Союз этих наций был поэтому лишь актом самообороны против угрожавшей им эгоистической всемирной коалиции богатства и власти. Ещё в 1936 году Черчилль заявил, по словам американского генерала Вуда, перед комитетом Палаты представителей США, что Германия снова становится слишком сильной и поэтому ее нужно уничтожить. Летом 1939 года Англии показалось, что настал момент начать это вновь задуманное уничтожение с повторения широкомасштабной политики окружения Германии. Систематическая кампания лжи, которая была организована с этой целью, была направлена на то, чтобы убедить другие народы, будто над ними нависла угроза, поймать их сначала в ловушку английских гарантий и обещаний поддержки, а потом, как накануне мировой войны, заставить их воевать против Германии. Так Англии удалось с мая по август 1939 года распространить в мире утверждение, будто Германия непосредственно угрожает Литве, Эстонии, Латвии, Финляндии, Бессарабии, а также Украине. Часть этих стран с помощью подобных утверждений отклонили обещанные гарантии и они тем самым сделались частью фронта окружения Германии. При этих обстоятельствах я, сознавая свою ответственность перед своей совестью и перед историей немецкого народа, счел возможным не только заверить эти страны и их правительства в лживости британских утверждений, но и, кроме того, специально успокоить самую сильную державу Востока с помощью торжественных заявлений о границах сфер наших интересов. Вы все, конечно, чувствовали тогда, что этот шаг был для меня горьким и трудным. Никогда немецкий народ не испытывал враждебных чувств к народам России. Только на протяжении двух последних десятилетий еврейско-большевистские правители Москвы старались поджечь не только Германию, но и всю Европу. Не Германия пыталась перенести свое националистическое мировоззрение в Россию, а еврейско-большевистские правители в Москве неуклонно предпринимали попытки навязать нашему и другим европейским народам свое господство, притом не только духовное, но, прежде всего, военное. Но результатами деятельности этого режима во всех странах были только хаос, нищета и голод. В противовес этому я два десятилетия старался при минимальном вмешательстве и без разрушения нашего производства построить в Германии новый социалистический порядок, который не только ликвидировал безработицу, но и обеспечил благодаря повышению оплаты труда постоянный приток людей в сферу созидания. Успехи этой политики новых экономических и социальных отношений в нашем народе, которые, планомерно преодолевая сословные и классовые противоречия, имеют своей конечной целью создание подлинного народного сообщества, уникальны во всем мире. Поэтому в августе 1939 года для меня было таким трудным решение послать моего министра в Москву, чтобы попытаться там оказать противодействие британской политике окружения Германии. Я сделал это не только осознавая свою ответственность перед немецким народом, но, прежде всего, в надежде достичь в конечном счете продолжительной разрядки, которая могла бы уменьшить жертвы, которые потребовались бы от нас в противном случае. После того как Германия в Москве торжественно признала указанные в договоре области и страны— за исключением Литвы — находящимися вне сферы каких бы то ни было германских политических интересов, было заключено еще особое соглашение на тот случай, если бы Англии действительно удалось подтолкнуть Польшу к войне против Германии. Но и в этом случае имело место ограничение немецких притязаний, которое никоим образом не соответствовало успехам немецкого оружия. Последствия этого договора, которого я сам хотел и который заключил в интересах немецкого народа, были особенно тяжелыми для немцев, живших в затронутых им странах. Более полумиллиона наших соплеменников — сплошь мелкие крестьяне, ремесленники и рабочие — были вынуждены чуть ли не за одну ночь покинуть свою бывшую родину, спасаясь от нового режима, который грозил им сначала беспредельной нищетой, а рано или поздно — полным истреблением. Несмотря на это, тысячи немцев исчезли! Было невозможно узнать что-либо об их судьбе или хотя бы местонахождении. Среди них было более 160 граждан Рейха. Я молчал обо всем этом, потому что должен был молчать, потому что моим главным желанием было достичь окончательной разрядки и, если возможно, — длительного баланса интересов с этим государством. Но еще во время наступления наших войск в Польше советские правители внезапно, вопреки договору, выдвинули притязания также на Литву. Германский Рейх никогда не имел намерения оккупировать Литву и не только не предъявлял никаких подобных требований литовскому правительству, но, наоборот, отклонил просьбу тогдашнего литовского правительства послать в Литву немецкие войска, поскольку это не соответствовало целям германской политики. Несмотря на это, я согласился и на это новое русское требование. Но это было лишь началом непрерывной череды все новых и новых вымогательств. Победа в Польше, достигнутая исключительно силами немецкой армии, побудила меня снова обратиться к западным державам с мирным предложением. Оно было отклонено международными и еврейскими поджигателями войны. Но причина его отклонения уже тогда заключалась в том, что Англия все еще надеялась, что ей удастся мобилизовать против Германии европейскую коалицию, включая балканские страны и Советскую Россию. В Лондоне решили направить послом в Москву мистера Криппса.
Публиковать текст в России нельзя по закону, хотя в интернете он находится в открытом доступе, но пересказывать его с полным сохранением смысла не запрещено. Ниже приведен краткий пересказ последней речи Гитлера 2 апреля 1945 года. Поражение неизбежно Война будет вестись до полного поражения, до разрушения Германии из-за непримиримости сторон. Завоеватели разрубят рейх на куски Американцы и большевики подвергнут страну диким эксцессам. Германию ждет долгий тяжелый период, который придется пережить, более тяжелый чем после 1918 года, но она снова возродится. Как себя вести Немецкому народу необходимо самим стараться соблюдать расовые законы, установленные ранее. Необходимо сохранить иммунитет к еврейскому вирусу, развращающему мир, чтобы стать верховным народом. Немцы должны быть благодарны национал-социалистам за уничтожение евреев в Германии. Нации нужно сохранять единство, не разделяя себя на австрийцев, баварцев и т.
Речь гитлера на немецком языке текст
On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. Выступление Гитлера на немецком. Гитлер 1941 речь. Речи гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком языке. Тэги: гитлер, речь, 1933, берлин Канцлер Германии Адольф Гитлер в своем рабочем кабинете.