/ Перевод на английский "наказание".
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| «Преступление и наказание» на Английском / in English | Достань Достоевского - YouTube | По закону люди, совершившие преступления, должны быть наказаны, заключены в тюрьму или даже приговорены к смертной казни. Без наказания наша жизнь в обществе была бы менее безопасной, хотя иногда наказание бывает недостаточно строгим, по моему мнению. |
| Penalty appeal | Internal Revenue Service | В статье рассмотрен перевод 'наказание' на английский язык с примером использования и полезными ссылками на другую лексику. |
| Legal Punishment | По закону люди, совершившие преступления, должны быть наказаны, заключены в тюрьму или даже приговорены к смертной казни. Без наказания наша жизнь в обществе была бы менее безопасной, хотя иногда наказание бывает недостаточно строгим, по моему мнению. |
| News is bad for you - Не смотрите новости. Статья на английском и русском | OK English | Роберта Локьера, почтальона с 29-летним опытом, уволили за опоздание длиной всего лишь в минуту. Его дело рассматривала специальная комиссия Королевской почты – настолько важная, что на английском она буквально называется tribunal. |
| В Британии анонсировали ужесточение наказания за нарушение закона о шпионаже | Capital punishment is the taking of a human life by a government in response to a crime committed by that convict. See arguments for and against. |
Жизель Бюндхен разрыдалась из-за полицейского, выписавшего ей штраф на дороге
/ Перевод на английский "наказание". Three Volumes: In Which Are Explain'd the Laws and Claims of Nature and Nations, and the Principal Points That Relate Either to Publick Government, or the Conduct of Private Life: Together with the Author's Own Notes: Done into English by Several Hands. Русско-английский словарь. Перевод «Наказание». на английский язык: «punishment». Дидактический материал для оформления доски на английском языке.
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Перевод "наказание" на английский
Предлагаем вам прочитать интересную статью о вреде потребления новостей News is bad for you — Не смотрите новости, опубликованную в The Guardian. Статья подается в оригинале на английском и переводе перевод не дословный. Но главное, помимо практики английского языка, здесь есть о чем задуматься. News is bad for you — and giving up reading it will make you happier Не смотрите новости — это плохо на вас влияет и не делает вас счастливей. It leads to fear and aggression, and hinders your creativity and ability to think deeply. The solution? Stop consuming it altogether. Они подавляют мышление, делают нас пассивными, убивают творчество. Есть ли решение?
Перестаньте поглощать новости. News is bad for health In the past few decades, the fortunate among us have recognised the hazards of living with an overabundance of food obesity, diabetes and have started to change our diets. But most of us do not yet understand that news is to the mind what sugar is to the body. News is easy to digest. Unlike reading books and long magazine articles which require thinking , we can swallow limitless quantities of news flashes, which are bright-coloured candies for the mind. Today, we have reached the same point in relation to information that we faced 20 years ago in regard to food. We are beginning to recognise how toxic news can be. Новости вредны для вашего здоровья Их чтение приводит к появлению страха и агрессии, мешает реализации творческого потенциала и лишает способности мыслить глубоко.
Новости — то же самое, что сахар для тела. Они легко усваиваются. СМИ кормят нас небольшими кусочками тривиальных фактов, которые, на самом деле, нас не касаются и не заслуживают внимания. Вот почему мы никогда не испытываем насыщения. В отличие от чтения книг и длинных журнальных статей над которыми приходится размышлять , мы можем проглотить огромное количество пустых новостей. News is irrelevant. Out of the approximately 10,000 news stories you have read in the last 12 months, name one that — because you consumed it — allowed you to make a better decision about a serious matter affecting your life, your career or your business. The point is: the consumption of news is irrelevant to you.
The relevant versus the new is the fundamental battle of the current age. Media organisations want you to believe that news offers you some sort of a competitive advantage. Many fall for that. In reality, news consumption is a competitive disadvantage. The less news you consume, the bigger the advantage you have. Новости не имеют значения Примерно из 10 000 историй, которые вы прочитали в последние 12 месяцев, назовите одну, которая позволила вам принять лучшее решение в серьезном деле, влияющем на вашу жизнь, вашу карьеру, или ваш бизнес. Потребление новостей не имеет отношения к вам. На самом деле, потребление новостей — это конкурентный недостаток.
Чем меньше вы потребляете новостей, тем больше у вас преимуществ. News has no explanatory power. News items are bubbles popping on the surface of a deeper world. Will accumulating facts help you understand the world? Sadly, no. The relationship is inverted. The more «news factoids» you digest, the less of the big picture you will understand.
A person who steals deserves punishment.
Тот, кто крадёт, заслуживает наказания. Incarceration remains an exceptional disciplinary punishment. Помещение в карцер остается исключительной мерой дисциплинарного наказания. You see, the punishment was working. Так что видите, наказание действовало. Which is the most severe punishment? Что является наиболее тяжелым наказанием? This would be an administrative punishment.
Это и было бы для них административным наказанием. That is cruel and unusual punishment.
Every year, hundreds of thousands of people are tracked by ankle monitors and smartphone technology. This Note examines the unique risks of these proposals—particularly with respect to people on probation and parole—and argues that RFID implants would constitute a systematic violation of individual privacy and bodily integrity.
Короткая ссылка 11 мая 2022, 02:41 Власти Великобритании ужесточат наказание за нарушение закона о шпионаже, увеличив срок до пожизненного заключения, сообщает The Daily Telegraph со ссылкой на главу британского МВД Прити Пател. Как отмечает ТАСС, также планируется расширить возможности по преследованию иностранцев, обвиняемых в совершении диверсий, в том числе на объектах критической инфраструктуры с помощью БПЛА или кибератак. Сотрудникам иностранных разведслужб будет грозить пожизненное заключение в случае подготовки «враждебных действий».
Как будет "наказание" по-английски? Перевод слова "наказание"
Ср … Словарь синонимов Наказание — Любая реакция, следующая за определенным событием и уменыпающая вероятность возникновения этого события в будущем. К примеру, если ребенка бранят каждый раз, когда он кормит собаку едой со стола, то в конце концов он прекратит это делать. Александр Пушкин Кто жалеет розги своей, тот ненавидит сына; а кто любит, тот с детства наказывает его. Царь Соломон Притчи, 13, 24 В книге Бытия немало примеров наказания тех, кто ослушался… … Сводная энциклопедия афоризмов НАКАЗАНИЕ — punishment Преднамеренное нанесение ущерба субъекту уполномоченными на то лицами, являющееся результатом нарушения им правил, соблюдение которых от него требуют и за нарушение которых он считается ответственным. Поскольку принудительная власть… … Политология. Наказание — лат.
I always like to compare English British with the American. Yeah, well, it is. There are many differences. All right. And also, guys, I need to mention, you can you can listen to our podcast on Apple Podcasts, Yandex podcasts, VK, and of course, you can get the video version on YouTube. And you also should think about joining our private telegram chat where you can get access to the aftershow portion of this podcast and you can see us in video formats, and you can also get access to vocabulary lists, which will definitely help you with your English learning journey. And of course you can communicate directly with us in the telegram chat and practice your English writing skills and speak to one another. So and also we want to welcome Анастасия, who signed up for the private telegram chat. So welcome, Анастасия. Thank you for being part of the conversation and do not be afraid to share your thoughts with us. I love this subject. Very serious one. I love it how Benjamin and a lot of other people have very different definitions of fun. Great weather, you know, interesting and so on. Go on, Benjamin. What do you think? Criminality, crime. So how do you define crime? Well, crime has to be against the law. We have to set laws. So, yeah, a crime is an action that breaks a certain law. But then again, in this case, we have two terms because we have a crime and we have misdemeanor. Is it also a crime? In America, yeah, in America you have felonies and misdemeanors. So these are degrees of seriousness of crimes. It is still a crime. Varya, what is considered a misdemeanor crime in America? Well, there are many types of felony crimes that could be murder, it could be... Murder is a felony? Yeah, it is a felony crime, yeah. I thought a felony somewhere, you know, in the mid. Like, not. Not so serious. Well, in Russian you have administrative crimes. I guess you can translate heavy crimes. So misdemeanor crimes are things like jaywalking. So I was going to ask. What about..? Petty theft. Petty theft or... Some misdemeanors can be stronger than others. So it just depends on state by state with that. Of course, in America, you have the federal level and the state level, and it depends what crime you commit. Whereas if you commit a crime on the territory of a state, yeah. And then the crimes, the criminals would be treated differently depending on the state. Or even we have privatized prisons where someone actually owns prison. Same in England. Which people can make money off from criminals. This company called G4S. But then there are things that are not on the law books yet. Or not standardized. Domestic violence, animal abuse. I mean, a lot of women did not speak out against their husbands because there was no law. So there are kind of. But but then through activism, we could change laws. And the job of the police, of course, is to enforce the law. Enforce means to make sure that the laws are followed and to apply punishments if required. Of course. But I mean, to detain, excuse me, to detain someone, not to punish people. Yeah, to detain people if required. So, Ugur, what in Turkey? Do you have, like a similar system to America whereby you have misdemeanor crimes and felony crimes? Plus we have constitutional crimes. And you need to be just, you need to be in a state that you have to take the constitutional law and court house. Kind of felony.
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Эй, это задница просто получит наказание, для этого она и нужна. Мы проследим, чтобы он получил наказание. Он нарушил закон, а она получит наказание? But he breaks the law, and she gets punished? Я прослежу за сторожем, если он виновен я удостоверюсь, чтобы он получил наказание. Эти девчонки не уважают слабых маленьких ботаников, боящихся получить наказание от своих мамочек.
Penalty appeal eligibility
Взыскание, налагаемое имеющим право, власть или силу, на того, кто совершил преступление или проступок; кара. Тяжкое наказание. Налагать на кого нибудь наказание. Заслужить наказание. Подвергнуться наказанию за что… … Толковый словарь Ушакова наказание — телесное, строгое, легкое, исправительное, уголовное , взыскание, кара, казнь, пеня, расправа, штраф, эпитимия. Ср … Словарь синонимов Наказание — Любая реакция, следующая за определенным событием и уменыпающая вероятность возникновения этого события в будущем.
Это очень жестокое и необычное наказание. Ты напрашиваешься на наказание. Это жестокое и необычное наказание. Just punishment is the best deterrent.
Справедливое наказание — это наилучший способ сдерживания. This is cruel and unusual punishment. Crucifixion was a Roman method of punishment. Распятие было римским методом наказания. Punishment and examinations are seen as threats. Наказание и экзамены считаются угрозами. Примеры употребления слов в разных контекстах предоставляются исключительно в лингвистических целях, т.
For example, whereas Hart endorsed a consequentialist rationale for punishment and nonconsequentialist side-constraints, one might instead endorse a retributivist rationale constrained by consequentialist considerations punishment should not tend to exacerbate crime, or undermine offender reform, etc. Alternatively, one might endorse an account on which both consequentialist and retributivist considerations features as rationales but for different branches of the law: on such an account, the legislature determines crimes and establishes sentencing ranges with the aim of crime reduction, but the judiciary makes sentencing decisions based on retributivist considerations of desert M. Critics have charged that hybrid accounts are ad hoc or internally inconsistent see Kaufman 2008: 45—49. In addition, retributivists argue that hybrid views that integrate consequentialist rationales with retributivist side-constraints thereby relegate retributivism to a merely subsidiary role, when in fact giving offenders their just deserts is a or the central rationale for punishment see Wood 2002: 303. Also, because hybrid accounts incorporate consequentialist and retributivist elements, they may be subject to some of the same objections raised against pure versions of consequentialism or retributivism. For example, insofar as they endorse retributivist constraints on punishment, they face the thorny problem of explaining the retributivist notion of desert see s. Even if such side-constraints can be securely grounded, however, consequentialist theories of punishment face the broadly Kantian line of objection discussed earlier s. Some have contended that punishment with a consequentialist rationale does not treat those punished merely as means as long as it is constrained by the retributivist prohibitions on punishment of the innocent and disproportionate punishment of the guilty see Walker 1980: 80—85; Hoskins 2011a. Still, a critic may argue that if we are to treat another with the respect due to her as a rational and responsible agent, we must seek to modify her conduct only by offering her good and relevant reasons to modify it for herself. Punishment aimed at deterrence, incapacitation, or offender reform, however, does not satisfy that demand. A reformative system treats those subjected to it not as rational, self-determining agents, but as objects to be re-formed by whatever efficient and humane techniques we can find. An incapacitative system does not leave those subjected to it free, as responsible agents should be left free, to determine their own future conduct, but seeks to preempt their future choices by incapacitating them. One strategy for dealing with them is to posit a two-step justification of punishment. The first step, which typically appeals to nonconsequentialist values, shows how the commission of a crime renders the offender eligible for, or liable to, the kinds of coercive treatment that punishment involves: such treatment, which is normally inconsistent with the respect due to us as rational agents or as citizens, and inconsistent with the Kantian means principle, is rendered permissible by the commission of the offence. The second step is then to offer positive consequentialist reasons for imposing punishment on those who are eligible for it or liable to it: we should punish if and because this can be expected to produce sufficient consequential benefits to outweigh its undoubted costs. Further nonconsequentialist constraints might also be placed on the severity and modes of punishment that can be permitted: constraints either flowing from an account of just what offenders render themselves liable to, or from other values external to the system of punishment. We must ask, however, whether we should be so quick to exclude fellow citizens from the rights and status of citizenship, or whether we should not look for an account of punishment if it is to be justified at all on which punishment can still be claimed to treat those punished as full citizens. The common practice of denying imprisoned offenders the right to vote while they are in prison, and perhaps even after they leave prison, is symbolically significant in this context: those who would argue that punishment should be consistent with recognised citizenship should also oppose such practices; see Lippke 2001b; Journal of Applied Philosophy 2005; see also generally s. The consent view holds that when a person voluntarily commits a crime while knowing the consequences of doing so, she thereby consents to these consequences. This is not to say that she explicitly consents to being punished, but rather than by her voluntary action she tacitly consents to be subject to what she knows are the consequences. Notice that, like the forfeiture view, the consent view is agnostic regarding the positive aim of punishment: it purports to tell us only that punishing the person does not wrong her, as she has effectively waived her right against such treatment. The consent view faces formidable objections, however. First, it appears unable to ground prohibitions on excessively harsh sentences: if such sentences are implemented, then anyone who subsequently violates the corresponding laws will have apparently tacitly consented to the punishment Alexander 1986. A second objection is that most offenders do not in fact consent, even tacitly, to their sentences, because they are unaware either that their acts are subject to punishment or of the severity of the punishment to which they may be liable. For someone to have consented to be subject to certain consequences of an act, she must know of these consequences see Boonin 2008: 161—64. A third objection is that, because tacit consent can be overridden by explicit denial of consent, it appears that explicitly nonconsenting offenders could not be justifiably punished on this view ibid. Others offer contractualist or contractarian justifications of punishment, grounded in an account not of what treatment offenders have in fact tacitly consented to, but rather of what rational agents or reasonable citizens would endorse. The punishment of those who commit crimes is then, it is argued, rendered permissible by the fact that the offender himself would, as a rational agent or reasonable citizen, have consented to a system of law that provided for such punishments see e. For versions of this kind of argument, see Alexander 1980; Quinn 1985; Farrell 1985, 1995; Montague 1995; Ellis 2003 and 2012. For criticism, see Boonin 2008: 192—207. For a particularly intricate development of this line of thought, grounding the justification of punishment in the duties that we incur by committing wrongs, see Tadros 2011; for critical responses, see the special issue of Law and Philosophy, 2013. One might argue that the Hegelian objection to a system of deterrent punishment overstates the tension between the types of reasons, moral or prudential, that such a system may offer. Punishment may communicate both a prudential and a moral message to members of the community. Even before a crime is committed, the threat of punishment communicates societal condemnation of an offense. This moral message may help to dissuade potential offenders, but those who are unpersuaded by this moral message may still be prudentially deterred by the prospect of punishment. Similarly, those who actually do commit crimes may be dissuaded from reoffending by the moral censure conveyed by their punishment, or else by the prudential desire to avoid another round of hard treatment. Through its criminal statutes, a community declares certain acts to be wrong and makes a moral appeal to community members to comply, whereas trials and convictions can communicate a message of deserved censure to the offender. Thus even if a system of deterrent punishment is itself regarded as communicating solely in prudential terms, it seems that the criminal law more generally can still communicate a moral message to those subject to it see Hoskins 2011a. A somewhat different attempt to accommodate prudential as well as moral reasons in an account of punishment begins with the retributivist notion that punishment is justified as a form of deserved censure, but then contends that we should communicate censure through penal hard treatment because this will give those who are insufficiently impressed by the moral appeal of censure prudential reason to refrain from crime; because, that is, the prospect of such punishment might deter those who are not susceptible to moral persuasion. See Lipkin 1988, Baker 1992. For a sophisticated revision of this idea, which makes deterrence firmly secondary to censure, see von Hirsch 1993, ch. For critical discussion, see Bottoms 1998; Duff 2001, ch. For another subtle version of this kind of account, see Matravers 2000. It might be objected that on this account the law, in speaking to those who are not persuaded by its moral appeal, is still abandoning the attempt at moral communication in favour of the language of threats, and thus ceasing to address its citizens as responsible moral agents: to which it might be replied, first, that the law is addressing us, appropriately, as fallible moral agents who know that we need the additional spur of prudential deterrence to persuade us to act as we should; and second, that we cannot clearly separate the merely deterrent from the morally communicative dimensions of punishment — that the dissuasive efficacy of legitimate punishment still depends crucially on the moral meaning that the hard treatment is understood to convey. One more mixed view worth noting holds that punishment is justified as a means of teaching a moral lesson to those who commit crimes, and perhaps to community members more generally the seminal articulations of this view are H. Morris 1981 and Hampton 1984; for a more recent account, see Demetriou 2012; for criticism, see Deigh 1984, Shafer-Landau 1991. But education theorists also take seriously the Hegelian worry discussed earlier; they view punishment not as a means of conditioning people to behave in certain ways, but rather as a means of teaching them that what they have done should not be done because it is morally wrong. Thus although the education view sets offender reform as an end, it also implies certain nonconsequentialist constraints on how we may appropriately pursue this end. Another distinctive feature of the moral education view is that it conceives of punishment as aiming to confer a benefit on the offender: the benefit of moral education. Critics have objected to the moral education view on various grounds, however. Some are sceptical about whether punishment is the most effective means of moral education. Others deny that most offenders need moral education; many offenders realise what they are doing is wrong but are weak-willed, impulsive, etc. Each of the theories discussed in this section incorporates, in various ways, consequentialist and nonconsequentialist elements. Whether any of these is more plausible than pure consequentialist or pure retributivist alternatives is, not surprisingly, a matter of ongoing philosophical debate. One possibility, of course, is that none of the theories on offer is successful because punishment is, ultimately, unjustifiable. The next section considers penal abolitionism. Abolition and Alternatives Abolitionist theorising about punishment takes many different forms, united only by the insistence that we should seek to abolish, rather than merely to reform, our practices of punishment. Classic abolitionist texts include Christie 1977, 1981; Hulsman 1986, 1991; de Haan 1990; Bianchi 1994. An initial question is precisely what practices should be abolished. Some abolitionists focus on particular modes of punishment, such as capital punishment see, e. Davis 2003. Insofar as such critiques are grounded in concerns about racial disparities, mass incarceration, police abuses, and other features of the U. At the same time, insofar as the critiques are based on particular features of the U. By contrast, other abolitionist accounts focus not on some particular mode s of punishment, or on a particular mode of punishment as administered in this or that legal system, but rather on criminal punishment in any form see, e. The more powerful abolitionist challenge is that punishment cannot be justified even in principle. After all, when the state imposes punishment, it treats some people in ways that would typically outside the context of punishment be impermissible. It subjects them to intentionally burdensome treatment and to the condemnation of the community. Abolitionists find that the various attempted justifications of this intentionally burdensome condemnatory treatment fail, and thus that the practice is morally wrong — not merely in practice but in principle. For such accounts, a central question is how the state should respond to the types of conduct for which one currently would be subject to punishment. In this section we attend to three notable types of abolitionist theory and the alternatives to punishment that they endorse. But one might regard this as a false dichotomy see Allais 2011; Duff 2011a. A restorative process that is to be appropriate to crime must therefore be one that seeks an adequate recognition, by the offender and by others, of the wrong done—a recognition that must for the offender, if genuine, be repentant; and that seeks an appropriate apologetic reparation for that wrong from the offender. But those are also the aims of punishment as a species of secular penance, as sketched above. A system of criminal punishment, however improved it might be, is of course not well designed to bring about the kind of personal reconciliations and transformations that advocates of restorative justice sometimes seek; but it could be apt to secure the kind of formal, ritualised reconciliation that is the most that a liberal state should try to secure between its citizens. If we focus only on imprisonment, which is still often the preferred mode of punishment in many penal systems, this suggestion will appear laughable; but if we think instead of punishments such as Community Service Orders now part of what is called Community Payback or probation, it might seem more plausible. This argument does not, of course, support that account of punishment against its critics. A similar issue is raised by the second kind of abolitionist theory that we should note here: the argument that we should replace punishment by a system of enforced restitution see e. For we need to ask what restitution can amount to, what it should involve, if it is to constitute restitution not merely for any harm that might have been caused, but for the wrong that was done; and it is tempting to answer that restitution for a wrong must involve the kind of apologetic moral reparation, expressing a remorseful recognition of the wrong, that communicative punishment on the view sketched above aims to become. More generally, advocates of restorative justice and of restitution are right to highlight the question of what offenders owe to those whom they have wronged — and to their fellow citizens see also Tadros 2011 for a focus on the duties that offenders incur. Some penal theorists, however, especially those who connect punishment to apology, will reply that what offenders owe precisely includes accepting, undertaking, or undergoing punishment. A third alternative approach that has gained some prominence in recent years is grounded in belief in free will scepticism, the view that human behaviour is a result not of free will but of determinism, luck, or chance, and thus that the notions of moral responsibility and desert on which many accounts of punishment especially retributivist theories depend are misguided see s. As an alternative to holding offenders responsible, or giving them their just deserts, some free will sceptics see Pereboom 2013; Caruso 2021 instead endorse incapacitating dangerous offenders on a model similar to that of public health quarantines. Just as it can arguably be justified to quarantine someone carrying a transmissible disease even if that person is not morally responsible for the threat they pose, proponents of the quarantine model contend that it can be justified to incapacitate dangerous offenders even if they are not morally responsible for what they have done or for the danger they present. One question is whether the quarantine model is best understood as an alternative to punishment or as an alternative form of punishment. Beyond questions of labelling, however, such views also face various lines of critique. In particular, because they discard the notions of moral responsibility and desert, they face objections, similar to those faced by pure consequentialist accounts see s. International Criminal Law and Punishment Theoretical discussions of criminal punishment and its justification typically focus on criminal punishment in the context of domestic criminal law. But a theory of punishment must also have something to say about its rationale and justification in the context of international criminal law: about how we should understand, and whether and how we can justify, the punishments imposed by such tribunals as the International Criminal Court. For we cannot assume that a normative theory of domestic criminal punishment can simply be read across into the context of international criminal law see Drumbl 2007. Rather, the imposition of punishment in the international context raises distinctive conceptual and normative issues. Such international intervention is only justified, however, in cases of serious harm to the international community, or to humanity as a whole. Crimes harm humanity as a whole, on this account, when they are group-based either in the sense that they are based on group characteristics of the victims or are perpetrated by a state or another group agent. Such as account has been subject to challenge focused on its harm-based account of crime Renzo 2012 and its claim that group-based crimes harm humanity as a whole A. Altman 2006. We might think, by contrast, that the heinousness of a crime or the existence of fair legal procedures is not enough. We also need some relational account of why the international legal community — rather than this or that domestic legal entity — has standing to call perpetrators of genocide or crimes against humanity to account: that is, why the offenders are answerable to the international community see Duff 2010. For claims of standing to be legitimate, they must be grounded in some shared normative community that includes the perpetrators themselves as well as those on behalf of whom the international legal community calls the perpetrators to account. For other discussions of jurisdiction to prosecute and punish international crimes, see W. Lee 2010; Wellman 2011; Giudice and Schaeffer 2012; Davidovic 2015. Another important question is how international institutions should assign responsibility for crimes such as genocide, which are perpetrated by groups rather than by individuals acting alone. Such questions arise in the domestic context as well, with respect to corporations, but the magnitude of crimes such as genocide makes the questions especially poignant at the international level. Several scholars in recent years have suggested, however, that rather than focusing only on prosecuting and punishing members of the groups responsible for mass atrocities, it may sometimes be preferable to prosecute and punish the entire group qua group. A worry for such proposals is that, because punishment characteristically involves the imposition of burdens, punishment of an entire group risks inflicting punitive burdens on innocent members of the group: those who were nonparticipants in the crime, or perhaps even worked against it or were among its victims. In response to this concern, defenders of the idea of collective punishment have suggested that it need not distribute among the members of the group see Erskine 2011; Pasternak 2011; Tanguagy-Renaud 2013; but see Hoskins 2014b , or that the benefits of such punishment may be valuable enough to override concerns about harm to innocents see Lang 2007: 255. Many coercive measures are imposed even on those who have not been convicted, such as the many kinds of restriction that may be imposed on people suspected of involvement in terrorism, or housing or job restrictions tied merely to arrests rather than convictions. The legal measures are relevant for punishment theorists for a number of reasons, but here we note just two: First, at least some of these restrictive measures may be best regarded as as additional forms of punishment see Lippke 2016: ch. For such measures, we must ask whether they are or can be made to be consistent with the principles and considerations we believe should govern impositions of punishment. Second, even if at least some measures are not best regarded as additional forms of punishment, we should ask what justifies the state in imposing additional coercive measures on those convicted of crimes outside the context of the punishment itself see Ashworth and Zedner 2011, 2012; Ramsay 2011; Ashworth, Zedner, and Tomlin 2013; Hoskins 2019: chs. For instance, if we regard punishment as the way in which offenders pay their debts to society, we can argue that it is at least presumptively unjustified for the state to impose additional burdensome measures on offenders once this debt has been paid. To say that certain measures are presumptively unjustified is not, of course, to establish that they are all-things-considered prohibited. Various collateral consequences — restrictions on employment or housing, for example — are often defended as public safety measures. We might argue see Hoskins 2019: ch. Public safety restrictions could only be justifiable, however, when there is a sufficiently compelling public safety interest, when the measures will be effective in serving that interest, when the measures will not do more harm than good, and when there are no less burdensome means of achieving the public safety aim. Even for public safety measures that meet these conditions, we should not lose sight of the worry that imposing such restrictions on people with criminal convictions but who have served their terms of punishment denies them the equal treatment to which they, having paid their debt, are entitled on this last worry, see, e. In addition to these formal legal consequences of a conviction, people with criminal records also face a range of informal collateral consequences, such as social stigma, family tensions, discrimination by employers and housing authorities, and financial challenges. These consequences are not imposed by positive law, but they may be permitted by formal legal provisions such as those that grant broad discretion to public housing authorities in the United States making admission decisions or facilitated by them such as when laws making criminal records widely accessible enable employers or landlords to discriminate against those with criminal histories. There are also widely documented burdensome consequences of a conviction to the family members or loved ones of those who are convicted, and to their communities. These sorts of informal consequences of criminal convictions appear less likely than the formal legal consequences to constitute legal punishment, insofar as they are not intentionally imposed by the state but see Kolber 2012. Still, the informal collateral consequences of a conviction are arguably relevant to theorising about punishment, and we should examine when, if ever, such burdens are relevant to sentencing determinations on sentencing, see s. Further Issues A number of further important questions are relevant to theorising about punishment, which can only be noted here. First, there are questions about sentencing. Who should decide what kinds and what levels of sentence should be attached to different offences or kinds of offence: what should be the respective roles of legislatures, of sentencing councils or commissions, of appellate courts, of trial judges, of juries? What kinds of punishment should be available to sentencers, and how should they decide which mode of punishment is appropriate for the particular offence? Considerations of the meaning of different modes of punishment should be central to these questions see e.
People have been sentenced to death and later it was discovered that they were completely innocent. The poor and defenceless are more likely to be executed than the rich and powerful. And what do you think about it? From Speak Out 4, 1998 Смертная казнь В демократических странах существуют споры: как общество должно наказывать убийц? Или террористов? Или похитителей? В некоторых странах смертная казнь была отменена. Но она все еще используется в других. В США, 39 штатов имеют смертную казнь, а 11 нет. Различные государства используют различные методы исполнения приговоров: электрический стул, газовая камера, инъекции яда. В России смертная казнь по-прежнему существует, но парламент начал дискуссии о ее отмене.
Legal Punishment
Русско-английский и англо-русский юридический онлайн-словарь. Примеры перевода «НАКАЗАНИЕ» в контексте. Перевод наказание по-английски. Как перевести на английский наказание? Three Volumes: In Which Are Explain'd the Laws and Claims of Nature and Nations, and the Principal Points That Relate Either to Publick Government, or the Conduct of Private Life: Together with the Author's Own Notes: Done into English by Several Hands. Latest London news, business, sport, celebrity and entertainment from the London Evening Standard. Capital punishment is the taking of a human life by a government in response to a crime committed by that convict. See arguments for and against.
Death Penalty - Essay Samples And Topic Ideas For Free
Штраф 2. Fine - Штраф 3. Ticket - Штрафной талон 4. Citation - Штрафное извещение 5. Warning - Предупреждение о штрафе 6. Traffic violation - Нарушение правил дорожного движения 7. Speeding - Превышение скорости 8. Parking fine. НАКАЗАНИЕ — НАКАЗАНИЕ, наказания, ср. 1. Взыскание, налагаемое имеющим право, власть или силу, на того, кто совершил преступление или проступок; кара. Leicester's return to the English top-flight was confirmed at the first time of asking as Leeds suffered a shock 4-0 hammering against QPR at Loftus Road and celebrations got well underway in the Midlands. Примеры перевода «НАКАЗАНИЕ» в контексте. Русско-английский словарь. Перевод «Наказание». на английский язык: «punishment».
Наказание - перевод с русского на английский
View CNN world news today for international news and videos from Europe, Asia, Africa, the Middle East and the Americas. Аннотация. Цель данной статьи – выявить трудности перевода реалий профессий и должностей в романе Ф.М. Достоевского «Преступление и наказание» на английский язык. The latest UK and world news, business, sport and comment from The Times and The Sunday Time. Capital punishment is the taking of a human life by a government in response to a crime committed by that convict. See arguments for and against.
Жизель Бюндхен разрыдалась из-за полицейского, выписавшего ей штраф на дороге
This rate is highest for queer women and trans, non-binary, and gender non-conforming individuals Buist, 2020; Donohue et al. This known pathway clearly depicts a systemic issue—one that warrants attention and remediation.
The IRS can also remove abate penalties because of certain statutory exceptions and administrative waivers.
Это называется использованием лекарства с нарушением инструкции по применению. Врачам было разрешено пробовать использование с нарушением инструкции по применению для лечения своих пациентов.
Смысл в том, что врач мог бы найти другие способы эффективного применения лекарственного препарата. Однако федеральный закон запрещает фармацевтическим компаниям продажи своей продукции для не одобренного использования. Каталин Сибилиус — Министр здравоохранения и социального обеспечения. Она сказала, что соглашение включает наиболее всеобъемлющее соглашение о корпоративной этике, которое фармацевтическая компания когда-либо подписала в Соединенных Штатах. В соответствии с этим соглашением врачи будут иметь возможность сообщать о нарушениях со стороны торговых представителей Pfizer.
Чиновники также сказали, что Pfizer должна будет делать «подробные раскрытия» на своем интернет-сайте. В феврале Pfizer объявила о своем плане публичного раскрытия своих финансовых отношений с врачами, медицинскими организациями и группами пациентов. Однако, это не первое соглашение компании с государством о корпоративной этике. К настоящему времени Pfizer оштрафована за незаконные продажи четыре раза с 2002 года. Прописывание лекарств представляет собой только одну десятую часть затрат на медицинское обслуживание в Соединенных Штатах.
Но быстро растущий спрос и цены сделали их частью дебатов по реформе здравоохранения.
The book was written in 1865 — 1866. Читайте лучшие произведения русской и мировой литературы полностью онлайн бесплатно и без регистрации, без сокращений. Бесплатное чтение книг. Книги — корабли мысли, странствующие по волнам времени и бережно несущие свой драгоценный груз от поколения к поколению.
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Перевод "наказание" на английский
The latest breaking news, comment and features from The Independent. наказание, предусмотрено различной степени тяжести, в соответствии с совершенным преступлением! offers free real time quotes, portfolio, streaming charts, financial news, live stock market data and more. Latest London news, business, sport, celebrity and entertainment from the London Evening Standard. Translated in English by Constance Garnett. Роман «Преступление и наказание» на английском языке. The English Heritage collection that is archiving lost London. From door knockers to dado rails, the Architectural Study Collection has more than 7,000 items gathered from London buildings — and it is opening for public tours this year.