Mein politisches Testament. Seit ich 1914 als Freiwilliger meine bescheidene Kraft im ersten, dem Reich aufgezwungenen Weltkrieg einsetzte, sind nunmehr über dreissig Jahre vergangen. In diesen drei Jahrzehnten haben mich bei all meinem Denken, Handeln und Leben nur die Liebe und Treue zu. A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937.
Adolf Hitler Speeches
But it cannot be halted. Goebbels wrote that he was satisfied with the reception of the article and planned to increase the use of antisemitism as a propaganda tactic, as he found it second only to Bolshevism in effectiveness. Anyone not dying through a shot in the neck would be deported. The children of the upper classes would be taken away and eliminated. This entire bestiality has been organized by the Jews. Hitler declared that the Jews would be destroyed, just as he had predicted, [158] [162] and this was received well by the audience. According to historian Nicholas Stargardt , the speech did not comfort its listeners but stoked their fear that there would not be a negotiated peace. I gave them a last warning at the outbreak of war.
I never left them in uncertainty that if they were to plunge the world into war again they would this time not be spared—that the vermin in Europe would be finally eradicated. She argues that his assessment was correct. In the 1960s, the school of functionalism emerged, which characterized Hitler as a weak dictator and argued that anti-Jewish policy emerged from Nazi functionaries as the war continued. Confino contends that although not even Hitler knew what he meant by "annihilation", the speech demonstrated that Hitler and his listeners already envisioned "a world in which extreme violence was applied to get rid of Jews and eliminate Judaism". The vehemence with which Hitler delivered this particular section of his speech, and the frenzied applause of the Reichstag delegates, makes it plain that it was a deadly serious threat. Browning said that the speech has to be considered in light of the anti-Jewish policies of the next two years, rather than with the retrospective knowledge of Auschwitz. He also argues that it is unclear whether "annihilation" referred to expulsion or mass murder and points out that Hitler repeatedly spoke of the forcible banishment of the Jews from Germany.
His first choice to resolve the situation was by international agreement that would lead to emigration, then a forcible, violent expulsion. A war, which the Nazi leadership was planning at the time, was another way that Jews might be eliminated. Therefore, he considered the systematic killing of Jews a "radical alternative" in case he did not get his way in the war. In this situation, "war would serve as a cover for extermination and the fighting would conceal the real war aim"—the murder of the Jews.
They wish for its defeat and annihilation and do everything in their power to help to bring it about. In both cases, Jews were blamed for the failure of the Nazis to achieve their goals, which led to an increase in anti-Jewish aggression. According to the public opinion reports prepared by the Security Service SD , the article "found a strong echo" among Germans, although some churchgoers were critical of it.
Goebbels presented the narrative to German elites in a speech at Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin on 1 December. Characteristically for Nazi propaganda, the justification of mass killing was combined with absence of information on how it was being carried out. A few minutes later, he used the same word to refer to what the Germans were doing to the Jews. Herf suggests that some listeners interpreted "gradual process" to mean death from starvation or exposure, rather than immediate murder by shooting or in death camps. He prophesied that if the Jews once again brought about a world war, they would experience their extermination. This was not an empty phrase. The world war is here.
The extermination of the Jews must be its necessary consequence. This question must be viewed without any sentimentality. We are here not to express sympathy for the Jews, but only to express sympathy for our own German people. As the German people again has sacrificed 160,000 dead in the eastern campaign, so the originators of this conflict must pay with their own lives. They said to us in Berlin: why are you giving us all this trouble? Liquidate them yourselves!... We must destroy the Jews wherever we find them.
Without receiving a written order from Hitler, he understood that the Jews were to be exterminated, although the details had not been worked out at that time. He characterized the war as a "fight for the whole of Europe and, thereby, for the whole of civilized humanity" and a race war between Jews and " Aryans " before referencing the prophecy [124] [m] and added, "The hour will come, when the most evil enemy of the world of all time will have played his last part in Europe for at least a thousand years.
В нашей подборке можно прочитать осмысленные и известные цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке. Некоторые из выражений очень трудны к пониманию и заставляют задуматься каждого человека. Jede Generation muss sich am Krieg beteiligen. Niemand wird den Gewinner fragen, ob er die Wahrheit gesagt hat oder nicht. Nur ein fanatischer Mob ist leicht zu kontrollieren. Ein Blut ist ein Staat! Ein Wort war mir nie bekannt — aufgeben.
Родившись в Австрии, Гитлер в молодости стремился стать художником, но в конечном итоге влился в политику, присоединившись к Немецкой Рабочей Партии в 1919 году. К 1921 году Гитлер стал лидером партии, переименовав ее в Национал-социалистическую немецкую рабочую партию, или НСДАП часто сокращенно называемую нацистской партией. В 1933 году Гитлер был назначен канцлером Германии, и в течение нескольких лет установил авторитарное правление, известное как Третий Райх.
Adolf Hitler
Die nationalsozialistische Bewegung. 1. Kapitel: 2. Kapitel: 3. Kapitel: 4. Kapitel: 5. Kapitel: 6. Kapitel: Weltanschauung und Partei. 409 Der Staat. 425 Staatsangehöriger und Staatsbürger. 488 Persönlichkeit und völkischer Staatsgedanke. Reichstag Speech, May 21, 1935. "We recognize, with the understanding and the heartfelt friendship of true Nationalists, the Polish State as the home of a great, nationally-conscious people." "The German Reich and, in particular, the present German Government, have no other wish than to live on friendly. Цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке напоминают о трагических событиях и важности мира. Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). Миллион Цитат. Гитлера нужно слушать, а не читать, на Гитлера надо смотреть, а не искать логику в его речах.
Adolf Hitler Speeches
Однако в целом влияние заместителя фюрера с началом войны упало, и он все больше и больше отдалялся от реальной политики. Кроме того, рос его интерес к мистике и астрологии, что вкупе с тяжелой ипохондрией заставляло сомневаться в ментальном здоровье заместителя фюрера. К берегу со стороны Cеверного моря приближался одиночный самолет. Ему присвоили обозначение «Рейд 42» и выслали на перехват три истребителя, но те не смогли обнаружить противника. Через полчаса наблюдатели в деревушке Чаттон сообщили о тяжелом истребителе Мессершмитт Bf. Еще через час крестьянин Дэвид Маклин обнаружил на своей ферме Флорс человека, пытающегося освободиться от парашюта. Говорящий оказался немцем, представился как Альфред Хорн и заявил, что у него есть важное сообщение для герцога Дугласа Гамильтона, командира авиакрыла британских ВВС, расположенного под Эдинбургом. Вскоре задержанный оказался под арестом в казармах Мэрихилл в Глазго. Гамильтон прибыл к казармам на следующее утро и согласился поговорить с заключенным наедине.
Его удивлению не было предела: немецкий летчик оказался самим Рудольфом Гессом, прибывшим с дипломатической миссией. Заместитель фюрера предлагал заключить мир: немцы и англичане родственные арийские народы, а в войне между ними гибнет лучший человеческий материал. Единственным бенефициаром этого выступают большевики, против которых необходимо объединить усилия. Гесс рассказал о планах войны против СССР и предлагал сделку: полная свобода действий для Германии в Европе в обмен на сохранение Великобританией колоний.
At 8:12 p. Hitler then took the floor... Alle Volks-u. Das Orchester liess einen schneidigen Marsch vernehmen.
Before mentioning Christianity, Hitler appeared to have made references to the purported dangers of open borders. The meme said: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas of Christianity. We bolded it below: English Through the limitless sense of sacrifice that already enthralls millions today, a sense of sacrifice that also reaches beyond the borders of the country. She has already driven a symbol beyond the marked German borders. It is the national color of the coming new generation. The bourgeoisie like it. Parties look beyond the border posts, the new Germany already sees the new form in front of it, which consistently overlooks this junk, a form that will create the prerequisites that are necessary on the outside. For us, Parliament is a fencing ground on which our world view is represented.
In particular, we do not believe that Parliament will save Germany, that a German National Assembly could do that, rather that the idea of a leader can one day save Germany! This movement has received an extraordinary degree of freedom of operation, which in the highest sense of the word allows everything to be put aside that could in any way divide the people. We have different faiths in Germany, but we are one: which faith conquers the other, that is not the question, rather whether Christianity stands or falls, that is the question! Today we see before us the inheritance of the people, touching everything. There is no then into which any piece of his heaven is pointed.
Der Tod ist nicht das schrecklichste Ding, der ist aber das Letzte, was passiert...
Каждый человек делает выбор в своей жизни. Правильным он будет или нет - покажет время. Jedermann trifft eine Wahl im Leben. Ob sie richtig war, zeigt die Zeit. Я лучше умру на собственных условиях, чем стану жить по их правилам. Ich sterbe lieber unter meinen Bedingungen, statt mit ihren Regeln zu leben.
И никто не узнает, как грустит ночами душа, которая днем смеется. Und niemand wird wissen, wie traurig in der Nacht die Seele ist, die am Tage lacht. Только потом ты понимаешь, что многое сказал зря. Nur danach verstehst du, dass du vieles unbedacht gesagt hast. Никто не хорош настолько, чтобы учить других. Niemand ist gut genug dazu, um die anderen zu lehren.
Раскрывая людям душу, помни, что ты мало кому нужен.
That we did not carry out this mass-slaughter is apparently looked on as a piece of negligence on our part. We see that the democratic world-citizens are by no means gracious in their criticism of this leniency. We certainly had the power in our hands to do what has been done in Spain. And probably we had better nerves than the murderer who steals upon his victim unawares, shunning the open fight, and who is capable only of murdering defenseless [sic] hostages.
We have been soldiers and we never flinched in the face of battle throughout that most gruesome war of all times. Our hearts and, I may also add, our sound common sense saved us from committing any acts like those which have been done in Spain. Taking it all in all, fewer lives were sacrificed in the National Socialist Revolution than the number of National Socialist followers who were murdered in Germany by our Bolshevik opponents in the year 1932 alone, when there was no revolution. This absence of bloodshed and destruction was made possible solely because we had adopted a principle which not only guided our conduct in the past but which we shall also never forget in the future. This principle was that the purpose of a revolution, or of any general change in the condition of public affairs, cannot be to produce chaos but only to replace what is bad by substituting something better.
In such cases, however, something better must be ready at hand. On the 30th. All the means employed in carrying on that struggle were strictly within the law as it then stood and the protagonists in the fight were the National Socialists. Before the new State could be actually established and promulgated, the idea of it and the model for its organization had already existed within the framework of our party. All the fundamental principles on which the new Reich was to be constructed were the principles and ideas already embodied in the National Socialist Party.
As a result of the constitutional struggle to win over our German fellow-countrymen to our side the party had established its predominance in the Reichstag and for a whole year before it actually assumed power it already had the right to demand this power for itself, even according to the principles of the parliamentary-democratic system. But it was essential for the National Socialist Revolution that this party should put forward demands which of themselves would involve a real revolutionary change in the principles and institutions of government hitherto in force. When certain individuals who were blind to the actual state of affairs thought that they could refuse to submit to the practical application of the principles of the movement which had been entrusted with the government of the Reich, then, but not until then, the party used an iron hand to make these illegal disturbers of the peace bend their stubborn necks before the laws of the new National Socialist Reich and Government. With this act the National Socialist Revolution came to an end. For as soon as the party had taken over power, and this new condition of affairs was consolidated, I looked upon it as a matter of course that the Revolution should be transformed into an evolution.
The new development which now set in, however, meant that there had to be a new orientation not merely of our ideas but also in regard to the practical policy which we had to carry out. Even today certain individuals who have fallen in the march of events refuse to adapt themselves to this change. They cannot understand it because it is beyond their mental horizon or outside the sphere of their egotistic interests. Our National Socialist teaching has undoubtedly a revolutionizing effect in many spheres of life and has interfered and acted under the revolutionary impulse. The main plank in the National Socialist program is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood.
A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous consequences. This is probably the first time and this is the first country in which people are being taught to realize that, of all the tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity of the blood which God has given it. And thus it happens that for the first time it is now possible for men to use their God-given faculties of perception and insight in the understanding of those problems which are of more momentous importance for the preservation of human existence than all the victories that may be won on the battlefield or the successes that may be obtained through economic efforts. It is not for men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard its work of creation. Unspeakable suffering and misery have come upon mankind because they lost this instinct which was grounded in a profound intuition; and this loss was caused by a wrong and lopsided education of the intellect.
Among our people there are millions and millions of persons living today for whom this law has become clear and intelligible. What individual seers and the still unspoiled natures of our forefathers saw by direct perception has now become a subject of scientific research in Germany. And I can prophesy here that, just as the knowledge that the earth moves around the sun led to a revolutionary alternation in the general world-picture, so the blood-and-race doctrine of the National Socialist Movement will bring about a revolutionary change in our knowledge and therewith a radical reconstruction of the picture which human history gives us of the past and will also change the course of that history in the future. And this will not lead to an estrangement between the nations; but, on the contrary, it will bring about for the first time a real understanding of one another. At the same time, however, it will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under the mask of honest world-citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations.
We feel convinced that the consequences of this really revolutionizing vision of truth will bring about a radical transformation in German life. For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling attraction of this inner feeling. Innumerable prejudices have been broken down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical, religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle. For the past four-and-a-half years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea.
Just as on January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated and promulgated by the party. When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest moments to be remembered during our lives. Like a blast of springtime it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new Reich. Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German history were removed and cleared away.
May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never before had? So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships; but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical transformation has taken place and has produced results which are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy has any meaning at all. With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general. By this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership of the nation.
In making this selection no consideration will be given to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions of leadership. In this country that principle will have its political counterpart. Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid. And that is no theory. In the present National Socialist Germany it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course.
I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have been called to be their leader, come from the people. All the millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks. And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and not the interests of one class or another.
The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class which will have no rights in the future. Its aim has been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied such rights. We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them to the level of enslaved workers. Our aim has been to educate slaves to be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German; and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration.
If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before them. From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow and condemned to enforced lab our there. He will then yearn for hisday of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now thinks that his turn has come to play the despot.
Therefore the National Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility by organizing the various classes into one national unit. The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life. And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any predominant position in our national economic system. In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood, and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making the idea of this community understood among the public, lies the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution.
Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour. That is why the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks, without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost. They were superseded by a better ideal. A new movement took their place. A reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations of employers and employees.
The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, not—as in 1918 or 1919—through a resolution voted by a committee appointed to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend on the results of a prize competition. Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his national resurgence on land and sea and in the air. There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the German people have understood the significance of this change and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again to the democratic form of government as the institution which is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name of the people than I have. Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I may enumerate the following: — 1 Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself.
Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements. But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect. This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide. The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down.
But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task.
If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better. It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice. There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked.
For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant. This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear.
Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state. In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property. The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure.
The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks. In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race. Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people.
The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole. As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed. The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population.
I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success. The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed. After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking.
I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome. In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us.
Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once. Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and wreaked terrible havoc among them. It must give rise to unlimited faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years War to less than four millions. Let us also remember that this once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated, that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number.
The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life. The fields were ploughed once more.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком
Именно он подписал указ об аннексии Данцига и других северных польских территорий. Он же настоял на создании отдельного драконовского уголовного кодекса для поляков на этой территории, поскольку, по его мнению, этот народ был малочувствителен к мягким наказаниям. Однако в целом влияние заместителя фюрера с началом войны упало, и он все больше и больше отдалялся от реальной политики. Кроме того, рос его интерес к мистике и астрологии, что вкупе с тяжелой ипохондрией заставляло сомневаться в ментальном здоровье заместителя фюрера. К берегу со стороны Cеверного моря приближался одиночный самолет. Ему присвоили обозначение «Рейд 42» и выслали на перехват три истребителя, но те не смогли обнаружить противника. Через полчаса наблюдатели в деревушке Чаттон сообщили о тяжелом истребителе Мессершмитт Bf. Еще через час крестьянин Дэвид Маклин обнаружил на своей ферме Флорс человека, пытающегося освободиться от парашюта. Говорящий оказался немцем, представился как Альфред Хорн и заявил, что у него есть важное сообщение для герцога Дугласа Гамильтона, командира авиакрыла британских ВВС, расположенного под Эдинбургом. Вскоре задержанный оказался под арестом в казармах Мэрихилл в Глазго.
Гамильтон прибыл к казармам на следующее утро и согласился поговорить с заключенным наедине. Его удивлению не было предела: немецкий летчик оказался самим Рудольфом Гессом, прибывшим с дипломатической миссией. Заместитель фюрера предлагал заключить мир: немцы и англичане родственные арийские народы, а в войне между ними гибнет лучший человеческий материал.
Предоставив жителей самим себе, мы сможем избежать ненужных столкновений с ними по поводу образа их жизни и создать себе наилучшие предпосылки для строительства наших собственных замкнутых немецких центров. Глядя на украинских детей, подчеркнул он, трудно предположить, что впоследствии их лица примут плоские, славянские черты. Дети, как и большинство людей восточнобалтийского типа, светловолосы и голубоглазы; кроме того, они толстощекие и круглотелые, так что выглядят поистине мило.
В противоположность им, наши дети - преимущественно нордического типа, в раннем возрасте они похожи на молодых жеребят: неуклюжие, со слишком тонкими и длинными ногами, угловатыми телами и лицами! А по внешности украинских детей нельзя предположить, сколь сильно впоследствии опошляются и огрубляются их лица. Кроме того, подчеркнул рейхслейтер Борман, когда ездишь по тем местам, встречаешь мало мужчин, но неимоверно много детей. Это обилие детей, продолжал он, может нам в будущем дорого обойтись. Ведь этим обилием отличается раса, которая воспитана в гораздо более суровых привычках, чем наш собственный народ. Здесь нигде не видно людей в очках, у большинства отличные зубы, питание у них хорошее, и похоже, что все они, от мала до велика, обладают отличным здоровьем.
Значит, нам было бы выгодно добиться такого положения, при котором эти русские или так называемые украинцы не размножались бы столь быстро. Мы ведь собираемся через какое-то время заселить всю эту бывшую русскую землю немцами. Шеф заметил по этому поводу, что в какой-то статье было недавно высказано предложение запретить в оккупированных восточных областях продажу и употребление средств против беременности. Если и вправду, продолжал шеф, какой-нибудь идиот вздумает осуществить на практике подобную меру в оккупированных восточных областях, то он, шеф, расстреляет его собственной рукой. При обилии детей у местного населения мы можем лишь желать, сказал шеф, чтобы незамужние и замужние женщины возможно чаще прибегали к аборту. Необходимо поэтому не только допустить бойкую торговлю противозачаточными средствами в восточных областях, но и всячески ее поощрять, поскольку мы ни в малейшей мере не заинтересованы в увеличении ненемецкого населения.
А в первую очередь необходимо в этом деле форсировать помощь евреям. Опасность дальнейшей интенсификации размножения местного населения при нашем господстве несомненна, сказал далее шеф. Ведь при немецком руководстве совершенно неизбежно, что все условия жизни местных жителей значительно улучшатся, а гарантия от заболеваний повысится. Поэтому крайне необходимо принять меры против увеличения ненемецкого населения. В этих условиях было бы, по мнению шефа, просто сумасбродством устраивать для ненемецкого населения оккупированных восточных областей систему здравоохранения, подобную немецкой. Не может быть и речи, сказал он, о прививках или каких-либо других профилактических медицинских мерах в отношении ненемецкого населения.
Более того, у местных жителей следует пресекать даже стремление к подобным мерам охраны здоровья. Необходимо поэтому способствовать распространению среди них суеверий и слухов, согласно которым прививки и т. Далее чрезвычайно важно избегать всяких шагов, которые могли бы способствовать развитию у ненемецкого населения сознания, присущего повелителям. В этом отношении необходима особая осторожность, ибо одной из важнейших предпосылок нашей работы является как раз выработка у населения покоренных районов сознания, противоположного тому, которое присуще повелителям. По этой причине ни в коем случае не следует допускать ненемецкое население к высшему образованию. Если мы впадем в подобную ошибку, то сами окажемся виновниками нарастающего сопротивления нашему господству.
Впрочем, школы им нужно оставить, взимая плату за обучение. Только в них не должно быть никакого обучения, кроме как пониманию дорожно-транспортных знаков. Преподавание географии должно ограничиваться в общих чертах сведениями типа: «Столица империи - Берлин». Далее, каждый ученик один раз в своей жизни должен побывать в Берлине. В остальном будет совершенно достаточно, если ненемецкое население, например украинцы, научится немного читать и писать по-немецки. Обучение арифметике и т.
Обучая ненемецкое население в школах, нельзя забывать, что и в этом случае целесообразно применять в оккупированных восточных областях те же методы, которые практикуют англичане в колониях. Поэтому всякая просвещенческая канитель, которая всегда возникает там, где появляются имперско-немецкие попы, совершенно бессмысленна. Генерал Иодль абсолютно прав, возражая против вывешивания щитов с надписями на украинском языке, запрещающими людям появляться на полотне железной дороги. Нам совершенно безразлично, задавят одним жителем меньше или больше. Если я за то, чтобы обучать местное население в школах немецкому языку, продолжал шеф, то лишь потому, что для успеха нашего управления необходимы известные языковые предпосылки. А то ведь каждый житель будет уклоняться от выполнения немецких распоряжений под тем предлогом, что «не понял» их.
По этой же причине необходимо обучать в школе не тому алфавиту, которым пользовались до сих пор, а исключительно латинскому шрифту. Самой большой ошибкой с нашей стороны было бы проявлять слишком много заботы о местном населении. Существует опасение, что мы со временем, незаметно для самих себя, в связи с тамошними условиями жизни сползем на более мягкое отношение к жителям. Чтобы этого не произошло, необходимо целиком отделить немцев от местного населения. Проживание немцев в украинских городах следует запретить безоговорочно. Даже если вне украинских городов немцам придется жить в бараках, то и это лучше, чем размещение в пределах города.
А то иначе через короткое время начнется уборка этих городов и т. Между тем русские и украинские города вовсе не следует как-то благоустраивать или тем более украшать. Ведь наша задача состоит не в том, чтобы одаривать местное население более высоким уровнем жизни. Поэтому в перспективе необходимо обеспечить немцам проживание в специально построенных городах и деревнях, строго изолированных от русского или украинского населения. По этой же причине, те дома, которые будут сооружаться для немцев, ни в коем случае не должны походить на русские или украинские; ни глиняная штукатурка, ни соломенные крыши не должны напоминать жителям немецких домов о русских или украинских прототипах. В коренной империи постепенно сложилось такое положение, при котором ко многим вещам стали прикладывать слишком мелкие мерки, стремясь решительно все регламентировать и обусловить заранее.
Конечно, это произошло не в последнюю очередь оттого, что мы, немцы, располагаясь в своих старых границах, чуть ли не сидим друг на друге. Понятно, что полиции постоянно приходится вмешиваться в решение различных возникающих в повседневной жизни вопросов. Но вся эта регламентация таит в себе ту большую опасность, что если один из нас разобьет свои палатки за пределами германской империи, скажем, в одном из английских доминионов, то он буквально вздохнет, радуясь свободе движений и действий, а вслед за этим внутренне отдалится от своего немецкого отечества. Нам ни в коем случае не следует впадать в ошибку вечного регламентирования, когда мы будем осваивать оккупированные восточные территории. Если мы только не хотим - без всякой на то необходимости - восстановить против себя местное население, то нам следует ограничивать их индивидуальные жизненные склонности только в той мере, в какой это безусловно диктуется нашими интересами. В коренной империи мы уже дошли до того, что Берлин стремится вмешаться в назначение каждого бургомистра по всей территории империи.
Кто-то запретил даже общества по разведению собак, и шефу пришлось персонально вмешаться, чтобы освободить от запрета «собачьи организации». Регламентирование в границах коренной империи скоро зайдет так далеко, что, пожалуй, Берлин станет издавать уставы и для союзов по разведению майских жуков, предписывая методы делопроизводства, учета материальных ценностей, ведения финансовых дел и т. Что касается оккупированных восточных областей, заявил далее шеф, то Берлин должен издавать лишь принципиально важные директивы. По текущим вопросам решения должны приниматься соответствующими областными комиссарами. Чтобы избежать в оккупированных восточных областях излишнего регламентирования, необходимо принять еще одну меру, продолжал шеф, а именно - ограничить до самого минимального предела штаты немецких управлений в этих областях. В результате областному комиссару волей-неволей придется наладить широкий контакт с руководителями местных общин.
Но, разумеется, такое сотрудничество не должно повести к возникновению какого-то единого украинского административного центра с генеральным или тем более имперским комиссаром во главе. Так гитлеровцы называли польский город Гдыню.
Да по всему миру это имеет место. Германия показательный пример. Правда такова: Планета Земля даёт достаточно для того, чтобы все люди были обеспечены, влючая сыр на хлебушке, влючая мобильность, влючая возможность радостно следовать своим собственным интересам и творчески действовать везде, создавать.
Это закончилось. Дно долины в 26 тысяч лет достигнуто. Рабство уменьшится, свободы прибавляется, и мы всё больше будем мирно творчески этим пользоваться. Пусть тебя не смущает, что в данный момент угрожающе трещит. Это делается быстро, беспощадно и всё глупее, так что всё больше людей всё скорее мигают и с удивлением видит: оппа, вот так обстоят дела, которые до сих пор были вне моей оптики… Нет, я в этом больше не буду участвовать.
Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05. Речь 12.
Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий.
Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром.
Речь 17. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24. Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам.
Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали.
И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям.
Это — не милитаризм, а закон самосохранения. Речь 14. Теперь пора бы и другим, по-прежнему вооруженным, государствам принять на себя и выполнить аналогичные обязательства. Раньше мы были оппозицией, а сегодня под нашим знаменем марширует вся немецкая нация!
Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. И это были как раз те самые умники, чье поверхностное знание истории давало им повод иронизировать над нашими попытками. Сии благоразумные господа в лучшем случае удостаивали нас своими глумливо-соболезнующими ухмылками. Речь 23.
Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. И умом и чувством наша молодежь должна понять, что это главная из главных и центральная из центральных проблем. Ни один юноша и ни одна девушка не должны покидать стен школы, не поняв до конца, какое гигантское решающее значение имеет вопрос о чистоте крови.
Только так создадим мы основы расового возрождения нашего народа. Только на этих путях выкуем мы все предпосылки нашего дальнейшего культурного развития. Ибо мы должны помнить, что все физическое и умственное воспитание в последнем счете может быть полезно лишь для тех людей, кто понял принципиальную важность расовой проблемы и кто готов действительно сделать все необходимое для сохранения чистоты расы. Государство является не целью,а средством к цели.
Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern. Цитаты, афоризмы на немецком с переводом. Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). Discover Adolf Hitler famous and rare quotes. Share military quotes by Adolf Hitler and quotations about war and lying. "Tell a lie loud enough and long enough ". 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich.
Фразы гитлера на немецком с переводом. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура национал-социализма, основатель тоталитарной диктатуры Третьего рейха, глава Национал-социалистической немецкой рабочей п Смотрите видео онлайн «Адольф Гитлер цитаты и. A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937. The quote in a viral meme with the Nazi leader's picture read: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas of Christianity. Our movement is Christian.".
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg
Речь 02. Речь 13. Речь 18. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Речь 27. Речь 20. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить интересам всего народа.
Речь 06. Прокламация 01. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет нашему великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ!
Речь 01. Речь 24.
Weil er alles und nichts macht. Juli 1933.
Schmidt, Der Standard, 20. Er hatte das gewisse Etwas, woraus Legenden geschaffen werden…" - John F. Kennedy , Tagebucheintrag vom 1. September 1936 "Man wird der historischen Erscheinung Adolf Hitlers nicht gerecht, solange man ihn als Einzelwesen schildert.
Ich bekenne, dass mir Hitler selbst sympathisch ist. Luzern: Vita Nova, 1935, S. Grundlagen kollektiven Verhaltens.
Am 30.
Januar 1933 ernannte Hindenburg Hitler zum Reichskanzler. Adolf Hitler wird Reichskanzler am 30. WDR 5. Er heiratete sie erst wenige Tage vor ihrem gemeinsamen Suizid.
Als in den letzten Kriegstagen die deutsche Niederlage absehbar war, erschoss sich Adolf Hitler am 30. April 1945. Letzte Aktualisierung: 07.
Sportpalastrede — речь рейхсминистра народного просвещения и пропаганды нацистской Германии Йозефа Геббельса перед многотысячной аудиторией в Берлинском дворце спорта 18 февраля 1943 года. Речь считается одним из самых известных выступлений Геббельса и одним из самых известных и знаковых публичных выступлений политических деятелей того периода во время Второй мировой войны.
К моменту выступления Геббельса немецкая армия и её союзники потерпели ряд тяжёлых поражений на фронтах войны: была окружена и разгромлена крупная группировка вермахта под Сталинградом , в Африке велись тяжёлые бои с наступающими армиями сил антигитлеровской коалиции. В своей 109-минутной патетической речи, которая транслировалась по национальному радио в прямом эфире, Геббельс призвал немецкий народ к « тотальной войне » до победного конца.
Adolf Hitler - Речи | Текст песни
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Januar 1933 ernannte Hindenburg Hitler zum Reichskanzler. Adolf Hitler wird Reichskanzler am 30. WDR 5. Er heiratete sie erst wenige Tage vor ihrem gemeinsamen Suizid. Als in den letzten Kriegstagen die deutsche Niederlage absehbar war, erschoss sich Adolf Hitler am 30. April 1945.
Letzte Aktualisierung: 07.
Both nations concerned people who could not find their daily bread on their own soil. Both nations found themselves one day standing opposite the same people, without wanting to, against the same international union, as already had occurred in 1935, when England suddenly turned against Italy, without any sort of preliminary warning; Italy had taken nothing from England, therefore it was for the reason that: "We do not wish Italy to have its free right to life," just as it was, with Germany, for the reason that: "We do not wish Germany to have its free right to life.
What do we want from England? I offered each of them peace, more, I want to offer friendship. On the other side an old freemason, who only believes in a war, to be able to salvage his bankrupt economy, perhaps, or at least to gain time. Thus both states again stand face to face with the same foe...
And then, in addition, there is still a third thing-I have mentioned it today also: in both cases they are men, two men, who have come from the people... In the last few weeks... I have read about the history of the Italian Fascist Revolution, and it seemed to me as if I had the history of my own party before me, so similar, so identical, that... And now finally the third state has joined us, another state with which we have always wanted to have good relations for the past many years.
You all know it from "Mein Kampf"-Japan. Now the three great Have-Nots are united, and now we shall see who... For, what does England want to gain? What does America want to gain?
What do they want to gain? They have so much that they do not know what to do with what they have. A few persons per square kilometer need much more for all the cares which we are not the ones to have. A single poor harvest means for our national decades plundered, exploited, crushed, and in spite of that they could not eliminate their own economic need.
They have raw materials, as much as they are willing to use, and they do not complete it, with their problems actually to found something reasonable in society, to the one who has everything and the one who wants to take from the other fellow who has hardly anything practically the last thing he owns, or to the one who defends that which he honors as his last possession. Pray to God that he must send Bolshevism over Europe as a scourge. We wish only to say, "It will not come over Germany but whether it will come over England is another story. We have never done anything to England, France, we have never done anything to America.
Nevertheless there follows now in the year 1939 the declaration of war, and now it has gone further. Now you must however out of my whole history understand me rightly. One sentence unintelligible. I said: "If the war is inevitable, then I should rather be the one to conduct it not because I thirst after this fame; on the contrary, I here gladly renounce that fame, which is in my eyes no fame at all.
My fame, if Providence preserves my life, will consist in... But I think that if Providence has already disposed that I can do what must be done according to the inscrutable will of the Providence, then I can at least just ask Providence to entrust to me the burden of this war, to load it on me. I will beat it! I will shrink from no responsibility; in every hour which...
I will take this burden upon me. I will bear every responsibility, just as I have always borne them. It knows that I had endless plans in those years before the war. It sees everywhere the signs of works begun, and sometimes also the documents of completion.
I know that this people trusts me. I am happy to know it. But the German people may be persuaded also of one thing, that the year 1918, as long as I live, will never return. I am glad that so many allies have joined our soldiers: in Sweden, Italy, then in the north, Finland and the many other nations which are sending their sons here to the east, too,...
Rumanians and Hungarians, Slovaks, Spaniards,... Already today, a European war, and finally in the East, as a new Ally, who has already... Cripps assured us a few days ago, in his loquacious manner, has been preparing itself for a fight with Germany. I knew that.
As soon as I had become certain that there was false play going on here, in the instant that I became aware that Mr. Churchill in his secret meetings was already considering this ally, within the hour in which Molotov left Berlin, and took his leave because he had been able to come to a shrewd agreement, at that moment, it became clear to me, that this conflict was inevitable. For this, too, I thank fate, that it placed me at the head of the Reich, so that I was in a position to strike the first blow. If one must fight, then I take the stand that the first blow is the decisive one.
We can only wish Japan good luck, because instead of playing around for a long time with this lying nation, it started to fight immediately. Now, our soldiers have been fighting in the East since June 22, a battle which will some day go into the chronicles of history as a hero-song of our people. He meant to drive the German U-boats out of the oceans gradually, by making new decrees of the American spheres of influence, and to limit them to a very small territory, which the British would then take care of with their naval forces. And, my fellow country-men, that is also the reason for the regression of the number of U-boat sinkings, but not at all the number of damages or sinkings by our U-boats.
On the contrary, the latter has risen greatly. Also not the lack of our occupational forces, nor the impossibility of... You will understand that it has been a vindication for myself to decide whether one should finally conclude with the whole pack of lies for the sake of peace, and to bind oneself to the new limitations... Japan has finally eliminated this necessity.
Now there are U-boats on all the oceans of the world, now you will see how our submarines carry out their work, and however they may look, we are armed for everything, from North to South, from East to West. But about one thing they may be assured; as I have said before, today they are up against a different German people; now they are again up against Fredrichian people; we will fight where we stand, give no foot of ground, immediately push forward again. And we are, in fact, happy to know since yesterday that our General Rommel with his brave Italian and German panzers and men at the moment when they... That will continue to happen to them until the war has ended with our victory.
With these two forces stands a third, our air-force. Its fame is immortal. What they have accomplished in their efforts in the Arctic cold of the Far North, in the East, or in the heat of the desert, or in the West, is everywhere the same, a heroism that honors cannot glorify. There is just one thing which I must emphasize again and again; that is our infantry.
And behind these forces stands a gigantic communications organization with tens of thousands of motor vehicles and railroads, and they are all going to work and will master even the hardest problems. For it is self-evident that the conversion from advance to defense in the East is not easy. It was not Russia that forced us to defense, but only 38 and 40 and 42 and sometimes 45 degrees below zero that did it. And in this cold, there, troops which are not accustomed to it cannot fight as in the red heat of the desert...
But at this time, when the difficult transition was necessary, I again looked upon it as my task to take upon my shoulders the responsibility for that, too. I wanted thereby to save my soldiers from something worse. And I want to assure them at this point, insofar as those who are on that icy front can hear me today: "I know the work you are doing. And I know also that the hardest lies behind us.
Today is January 30. The winter is the big hope of the Eastern enemy. It will not fulfill this hope for him. In four months we had fought almost to Moscow and Leningrad.
Four months of Northern winter are now past. They have advanced a few kilometers at individual points and have made great sacrifices in blood and human lives there. They may be indifferent to that; but in a few weeks in the South the winter is going to break, and then the spring will move farther north, the ice will melt, and then the hour will come when the ground is again hard and firm, and when the new weapons will again flow there from our homeland, and when we shall beat them, and revenge those who now have fallen such lonely victims of the cold. For I can tell you that the soldiers at the front have the feeling of...
To compare him with them would be an insult. The decisive thing now is that this transition from attack to defense be successful, and I may say that it has been. These fronts, as you shall see, where a few individual Russians break through, and where they sometimes even believe that they are occupying localities, there are no localities, there are only ruins. What does this mean, in comparison to what we have occupied, what we are bringing in order, and what the next spring and from then on, will bring into order?
Behind this front there is today a dignified German homeland. I have recently, the other day, in view of this cold weather, appealed to the German people, for everything which had been prepared for protection against the frost has not sufficed. I wanted to express gratitude to the people themselves. This appeal then was also a plebiscite.
While the others talk of democracy, this is true democracy. It has shown itself these days, when an entire people voluntarily sacrifices, and I know that so many small people, but this time also, many, many people, for whom this was difficult, and perhaps, formerly, seemed to find it impossible to part with a precious piece of fur, have today given it, with the knowledge that the most humble infantryman is of greater importance than the most costly fur. Whoever makes profits on the war in the Third Reich dies. It is not a question of the hidden clothes, the poor infantryman who, perhaps, saves his hands by having warm gloves, or could be kept from freezing by a warm vest, which some one takes from home for him.
I will here stand up for the interests of the soldiers, and I know that all the German nation stands behind me in this. And this January 30th. Whether or not the war will end this year I do not know; but I do know one thing. Wherever the foe may appear, he will this year be fought as before.
It will again be a year of great victories; and even as I held the flag high before this, a all times, so I will hold it high even now; because,? My German countrymen, my soldiers. We have a full of fame and glory behind us. One likes so much to draw analogies from it.
In this fight German heroes have fought in similar situations, which also seemed hopeless. We should not draw any comparisons with former times, at all. We have no right to do so. We have the strongest army in the world.
We have the strongest air-force in the world. Frederick the Great had to fight against a preponderance of power, which was just as choking in his time. As he waged the first Silesian war, he had 2,700,000 Prussians in the state of 15 million people. A man with all his willpower stood up in spite of all reverses so that he never despaired of his success, and when he despaired, he wished to pull himself together again and then take the flag in his strong hands.
How do we wish to speak of that to-day? We have an opponent in front of us, who may have an immense numerical superiority, but we will rival him at least in the birthrate by spring and also in regard to weapons. And so it will be in all things, and above all we have Allies today. It is also no more the time of the World War.
What Japan is accomplishing in the East alone, is, for us, beyond evaluation. No other way remains, but the way of battle and the way of success. That way may be hard, or it may be easy. In no case, is it more difficult than the way our forefathers went.
It will not be any easier from now on, and we may not expect that it should be less difficult than the task we have during the last few battles. Thus we feel the entire sacrifice which our soldiers are making. Who can understand that better than myself, who was once a soldier, too? I look upon myself as the first Musketeer of the Reich.
I know definitely that the musketeer Infantryman fulfills his duty. I fulfill my own duties also, unmistakably, and I understand all the sorrow of my comrades and know all that goes on with them. I cannot therefore use any phrase which they will misunderstand. I can only say one thing to them, the home-front knows what they have to go through.
The home-front can well imagine what it means to lie in the snow and the frost in the cold of 35, 38, 40 and 42 degrees below zero Centigrade and defend our homes for us. But, because the home-front knows it, they will all do what they can to lighten your fate.
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Адольф Гитлер 1 сентября 1939 года. Газета речь 1917. Газета речь. Немецкие оккупационные газеты. Оккупационная газета. Йозеф Геббельс тотальная война. Геббельс 1943. Геббельс 1943 тотальная война. Goebbels Speech 1943. Фразы Гитлера на немецком.
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