Фразы Гитлера на немецком языке имеют большое значение, потому что они отражают его идеологию и политические убеждения. Крылатые фразы Гитлера. Высказывание Гитлера на немецком. Цитаты Гитлера все скажут сами за себя.
Adolf Hitler Speeches
1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich. (русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера про евреев.
Текст и перевод песни Ernst Busch - Alle Waffen gegen Hitler
Выступая перед делегатами Рейхстага Германии 20 февраля, я впервые огласил требования, основанные на непререкаемом принципе. Heil Hitler! — «да здравствует Гитлер, слава Гитлеру» (обычно передаётся по-русски как Хайль Гитлер) или просто нем. Речь рейхсканцлера А. Гитлера в Рейхстаге 1 сентября 1939 Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte? Цитаты Гитлера все скажут сами за себя.
Adolf Hitler Speeches
Roosevelt von dieser Erde weggenommen hat, wird sich die Wende des Krieges entscheiden. April 1945; bei John Toland: Adolf Hitler. Bergisch Gladbach 1977, S. April 1945, s. Gedichte Band 5, Suhrkamp 1964 S. Bechtle 1968. Ich denke, die Journalisten zeigten schlechten Geschmack, als sie den Mann der Stunde in Deutschland kritisierten.
April 1931, S. Er spricht scharf gegen Rosenberg.
Schmidt, Der Standard, 20. Er hatte das gewisse Etwas, woraus Legenden geschaffen werden…" - John F. Kennedy , Tagebucheintrag vom 1. September 1936 "Man wird der historischen Erscheinung Adolf Hitlers nicht gerecht, solange man ihn als Einzelwesen schildert. Ich bekenne, dass mir Hitler selbst sympathisch ist.
Luzern: Vita Nova, 1935, S. Grundlagen kollektiven Verhaltens. Wenn wir ihn von vornherein verteufeln, werden wir ihm nicht gerecht.
Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich. In return, Germany is prepared:- 1 To recognise all Polish economic rights in Danzig. The Polish Government have rejected my offer and have only declared that they are prepared 1 to negotiate concerning the question of a substitute for the Commissioner of the League of Nations and 2 to consider facilities for the transit traffic through the Corridor. I have regretted greatly this incomprehensible attitude of the Polish Government, but that alone is not the decisive fact, the worst is that now Poland, like Czecho-Slovakia a year ago, believes, under the pressure of a lying international campaign, that it must call up troops, although Germany on her part has not called up a single man and had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland.
As I have said, this is in itself very regrettable and posterity will one day decide whether it was really right to refuse this suggestion made this once by me. This-as I have said-was an endeavour on my part to solve a question which intimately affects the German people by a truly unique compromise, and to solve it to the advantage of both countries. According to my conviction Poland was not a giving party in this solution at all but only a receiving party, because it should be beyond all doubt that Danzig will never become Polish. The intention to attack on the part of Germany, which was merely invented by the international press, led as you know to the so-called guarantee offer and to an obligation on the part of the Polish Government for mutual assistance, which would also, under certain circumstances, compel Poland to take military action against Germany in the event of a conflict between Germany and any other Power and in which England, in her turn, would be involved. This obligation is contradictory to the agreement which I made with Marshal Pilsudski some time ago, seeing that in this agreement reference is made exclusively to existing obligations, that is at that time, namely, to the obligations of Poland towards France of which we were aware. To extend these obligations subsequently is contrary to the terms of the German-Polish non-aggression pact. Under these circumstances I should not have entered into this pact at that time, because what sense can non-aggression pacts have if in practice leaves open an enormous number of one partner exceptions. There is either collective security, that is collective insecurity and continuous danger of war, or clear agreements which, however, exclude fundamentally any use of arms between the contracting parties.
I therefore look upon the agreement which Marshal Pilsudski and I at one time concluded as having been unilaterally infringed by Poland and thereby no longer in existence! I have sent a communication to this effect to the Polish Government. However, I can only repeat at this point that my decision does not constitute a modification of my attitude in principle with regard to the problems mentioned above. Should the Polish Government wish to come to fresh contractual arrangements governing its relations with Germany, I can but welcome such an idea, provided, of course, that these arrangements are based on an absolutely clear obligation binding both parties in equal measure. Germany is perfectly willing at any time to undertake such obligations and also to fulfil them.
Крылатые фразы Гитлера. Высказывание Гитлера на немецком. Адольф Гитлер цитаты. Изречения Гитлера. Адольф Гитлер с изречениями. Речь Гитлера на немецком. Речь Гитлера на немецком текст. Выступление Гитлера на немецком. Высказывания Адольфа Гитлера. Фразы Адольфа Гитлера. Адольф Гитлер о русских. Give me Five years and you will not recognize Germany again. Немецкие газеты 1941 года. Немецкие газеты Гитлер. Выступление Гитлера на немецком языке. Адольф Гитлер про любовь. Цитаты Адольфа Гитлера про любовь. Слова Адольфа Гитлера. Adolf Hitler quotes. Высказывание Адольфа Гитлера про молодежь. Высказывания про нацистов. Речь Адольфа Гитлера на немецком. Выступление Адольфа Гитлера на немецком. Адольф Гитлер цитаты высказывания. Цитата Гитлера про любовь. Гитлер цитаты социалист. Слова Гитлера. Известные цитаты Гитлера. Фашистские высказывания. Стихи про фашизм. Речь Гитлера текст. Выступление Гитлера с переводом. Высказывания Гитлера о русских. Цитаты Гитлера на русском. Листовки Гитлера. Текст Гитлера на немецком. Гитлеровские речи на немецком. Гитлер начал вторую мировую войну. Высказывания Гитлера о войне. Цитата Гитлера про войну. Высказывания немцев о украинцах.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком
I would like to find all Hitler speeches in original German, but the more I look, the less I find. Sure there are a few here and there, but his complete speeches in German are nowhere to find. I did find a full text on , (linked to also in this answer) but sadly that is only in English. Also the search. О сервисе Прессе Авторские права Связаться с нами Авторам Рекламодателям Разработчикам. Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются. My German Fellow Countrymen and Women, My Comrades! At present everybody speaks before the forum which seems to them the most fitting. Some speak before a parliament whose existence, composition and origin (are well known). I believe that I should return again today whence I came. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ!
Звуки с голосами немецкой речи скачать и слушать онлайн
Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated. During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions. Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions.
I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe. The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors. Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity.
In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation.
Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr.
Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal?
I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat.
And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production.
Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection.
And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people.
Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade. I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr.
Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to.
And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself.
The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr.
Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us.
Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration. It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people.
And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom.
I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action. There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere.
And we ourselves are not to blame for that. Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected. In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments. The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces.
Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr.
Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin. I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension.
Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering. Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe.
We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain. But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities.
And for my my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live.
Будь готова к худшему.
Sei auf das Schlimmste fertig. Жизнь - игра. Das Leben ist ein Spiel. Делаем вид, что все хорошо, а внутри страшная боль.
Wir tun, es sei alles gut, drinnen ist aber ein schrecklicher Schmerz. Мы ничего не можем предугадать. Дай мне силы. Удача всегда со мной.
Поступки сильнее слов. Мама и Папа, я люблю вас. Mutter und Vater, ich liebe euch. Боже сохрани меня!
Bewahre mich Got! Только потеряв - мы начинаем ценить. Одна любовь, одна судьба! Eine Liebe, ein Schicksal!
Как жаль, что некоторые моменты никогда больше не повторятся. Wie schade, dass einige Momente des Lebens sich nie mehr wiederholen. Чем сильнее что-то любишь, тем сложнее это терять. Иногда не хватает лишь капельки смелости, которая может изменить всю жизнь.
Каждый человек имеет право на ошибку. Но не всякая ошибка имеет право на прощение. Jeder Mensch hat sein Recht auf einen Fehler. Nicht jeder Fehler hat ein Recht auf Verzeihung.
Цените своих близких, пока они рядом. Идеальных людей не бывает, цените тех, кто смог полюбить ваши недостатки. Не судите чужого прошлого — вы не знаете своего будущего. Gott mit uns.
С нами Бог. Jedem das Seine. Каждому свое. Тот, кто много знает, стремиться к ясности; тот, кто хочет показать, что много знает, стремиться во тьму.
Перевод — более опасный враг правды, чем ложь. Меня потрясло не то, что ты меня обманываешь, а то, что я тебе больше не верю. Тот, у кого нет двух третей времени на себя, — раб. Тот, укого есть «Зачем» жить, вынесет любое «Как».
То, что делается из любви, всегда находится по ту сторону добра и зла. Friedrich Nietzsche Фридрих Ницше Dem wird befohlen, der sich nicht selber gehorchen kann. Приказываюттому, кто сам себе не умеет повиноваться. Надежда — это радуга над падающим вниз ручейком жизни.
Без музыки жизнь была бы глупостью. Иметь фантазию — не значит что-то выдумывать; это значит, делать что-то новое из вещей. Religion ist Ehrfurcht - die Ehrfurcht zuerst vor dem Geheimnis, das der Mensch ist. Религия — это благоговение — в первую очередь перед тайной, которую представляет собой человек.
Если ты простил человеку все, значит с ним покончено. В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в смысле и ценности жизни, он болен. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны.
Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум. Нужно думать, как единицы, и говорить, как большинство. Постоянны только изменения.
Die Feinde sind es. Друзьями себя называют. Врагами — являются. Прощать и забывать, значит выбрасывать ценный опыт в окно.
Arthur Schopenhauer Артур Шопенгауэр Wir denken selten an das, was wir haben, aber immer an das, was uns fehlt. Мы редко думаем о том, что имеем, но всегда о том, чего нам не хватает. Все наши беды от того, что мы не можем быть одиноки. Границы языка — это границы мира.
О том, о чем нельзя говорить, нужно молчать. Редко, когда человек знает, во что же он на самом деле верит. Нельзя оскорбить того, кто не хочет быть оскорбленным. Два величайших тирана вмире: Случай и Время.
Любовь может быть только добровольной, так как только тот, кто располагает собой, может отдавать себя. Вам также может быть интересно...
The misery of the Sudeten Germans is without end. They want to annihilate them. They are being oppressed in an inhuman and intolerable manner and treated in an undignified way. When 3,500,000 who belong to a people of almost 80,000,000 are not allowed to sing any song that the Czechs do not like because it does not please the Czechs or are brutally struck for wearing white stockings because the Czechs do not like it, and do not want to see them, and are terrorized or maltreated because they greet with a form of salutation that is not agreeable to them, although they are greeting not Czechs but one another, and when they are pursued like wild beasts for every expression of their national life. This may be a matter of indifference to several representatives of our democracies or they may possibly even be sympathetic because it concerns only 3,500,000 Germans. I can only say to representatives of the democracies that this is not a matter of indifference to us.
And I say that if these tortured creatures cannot obtain rights and assistance by themselves, they can obtain both from us. An end must be made of depriving these people of their rights. I have already said this quite clearly in my speech of February 22. It was a short-sighted piece of work when the statesmen at Versailles brought the abnormal structure of Czechoslovakia into being. It was possible to violate the demands of millions of another nationality only so long as the brother nation itself was suffering from the consequences of general maltreatment by the world. To believe that such a regime could go on sinning without hindrance forever was possible only through a scarcely credible degree of blindness. I declared in my speech of February 22 before the Reichstag that the Reich would not tolerate any further continued oppression of 3,500,000 Germans, and I hope that the foreign statesmen will be convinced that these were no mere words. The National Socialist State has consented to very great sacrifices indeed, very great national sacrifices for the sake of European peace; not only has it not cherished so-called thoughts of revenge, but on the contrary it has banished them from all its public and private life.
As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. For twenty years there was the opportunity for the Czechoslovak government of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected by the Czechs - proposals of giving the Sudeten German minority a humane treatment and the respect they deserve. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria. It was all in vain. I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted.
No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this. For six months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves. An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events.
I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the Italian Government.
The other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all to thank Italy as well as Hungary, which throughout have supported us, but you will understand that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them. When statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfil my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything.
I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it. I am determined to solve 1 the Sudeten question and 2 to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Czechoslovakia that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Czechoslovak government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Czechoslovak Government is ready to do so. I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war.
I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Czech regular soldiers fired on our territory. Three German soldiers and five Sudeten Germans were killed by Czech soldiers at Egerteich without provocation. Since 6. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same.
I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured. For five years now I have been working on the building up of the German defences. Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defence forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable.
Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939
| Звуки с голосами немецкой речи скачать и слушать онлайн | Например: фразы для похода к врачу — собраны вот, а фразы для того, чтобы объясниться с парикмахером — А сегодня на очереди фразы на немецком языке, которые могут пригодится вам в самых разных жизненных ситуациях. |
| Текст и перевод песни Ernst Busch - Alle Waffen gegen Hitler | (русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. |
| Фразы на немецком Гитлера: известные высказывания великого диктатора | Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются. |
| служба утерянных цитат - 9: labas — LiveJournal | 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich. |
Речь Адольфа Гитлера 26 сентября 1938 г. в Берлинском Дворце спорта.
We realise that here are two peoples which must live together and neither of which can do away with the other. A people of 33 millions will always strive for an outlet to the sea. A way for understanding, then, had to be found; it has been found; and it will be ever further extended. Certainly things were hard in this area. The nationalities and small national groups frequently quarrelled among themselves. But the main fact is that the two Governments, and all reasonable and clear-sighted persons among the two peoples and in the two countries, possess the firm will and determination to improve their relations. It was a real work of peace, of more worth than all the chattering in the League of Nations Palace at Geneva. There can scarcely be any difference of opinion to-day among the true friends of peace with regard to the value of this agreement. One only needs to ask oneself what might have happened to Europe if this agreement, which brought such relief, had not been entered into five years ago. In signing it, this great Polish marshal and patriot rendered his people just as great a service as the leaders of the National Socialist State rendered the German people. During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe.
The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents. Here, too, the Peace Treaty of Versailles-of course intentionally-inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. This problem is-as I have already stressed-perhaps the most painful of all problems for Germany. Nevertheless, I have never ceased to uphold the view that the necessity of a free access to the sea for the Polish State cannot be ignored, and that as a general principle, valid for this case, too, nations which Providence has destined or, if you like, condemned to live side by side would be well advised not to make life still harder for each other artificially and unnecessarily. The late Marshal Pilsudski, who was of the same opinion, was therefore prepared to go into the question of clarifying the atmosphere of German-Polish relations, and, finally, to conclude an agreement whereby Germany and Poland expressed their intention of renouncing war altogether as a means of settling the questions which concerned them both. This agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland.
Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize economic life. The economic effects that follow from every real and practical initiative benefit the people as a whole. At the present moment an inventor or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community. For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life, strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists State repudiates the right of economic coercion. Above all contracting parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests of the people. The practical results of this economic policy of ours are already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic. While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense. Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded. The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary to take the child from the control of that small cell of social life which is the family and entrust his further training to the community itself. The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all, it has made this education independent of the question of age. In other words, the education of the individual can never end. Therefore it is the duty of the folk-community to see that this education and higher training must always be along lines that help the community to fulfil its own task, which is the maintenance of the race and nation. For that reason we must insist that all organs of education which may be useful for the instruction and training of the people have to fulfil their duty towards the community. Such organs or organizations are: Education of the Youth, Young Peoples Organization, Hitler Youth, Lab our Front, Party and Army—all these are institutions for the education and higher training of our people. The book press and the newspaper press, lectures and art, the theatre and the cinema, they are all organs of popular education. What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in this sphere is astounding. Think only of the following: — The whole body of our German education, including the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of our own race. Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world. Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the nation. German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and constructive will of this epoch. It is very remarkable how the German people have become immune from those destructive tendencies under which another world is suffering. Many of our organizations which were not understood at all a few years ago are now accepted as a matter of course: the Young people, the Hitler Youth, BDM. This consolidation of the internal life of our German nation also establishes a united front towards the outside world. I believe that it is here that the National Socialist Revival has produced the most marvelous results. Four years ago, when I was entrusted with the Chancellorship and therewith the leadership of the nation, I took upon myself the bitter duty of restoring the honour of a nation which for fifteen years had been forced to live as a pariah among the other nations of the world. The internal order which we created among the German people offered the conditions necessary to reorganize the army and also made it possible for me to throw off those shackles which we felt to be the deepest disgrace ever branded on a people. It was not the occasion of taking anything from anybody or causing any suffering to anybody. Second: I now state here that, in accordance with the restoration of equality of rights, I shall divest the German Railways and the Reichsbank of the forms under which they have hitherto functioned and shall place them absolutely under the sovereign control of the Government of the German Reich. Third: I hereby declare that the section of the Versailles Treaty which deprived our nation of the rights that it shared on an equal footing with other nations and degraded it to the level of an inferior people found its natural liquidation in virtue of the restoration of equality of status. Fourth: Above all, I solemnly withdraw the German signature from that declaration which was extracted under duress from a weak government, acting against its better judgment. Members of the German Reichstag: The revindication of the honour of the German people, which was expressed outwardly in the restoration of universal military service, the creation of a new air force, the reconstruction of a German navy and the reoccupation of the Rhineland by our troops, was the boldest task that I ever had to face and the most difficult to accomplish. Today I must humbly thank Providence, whose grace has enabled me, who was once an unknown soldier in the War, to bring to a successful issue the struggle for the restoration of our honor and rights as a nation. I regret to say that it was not possible to carry through all the necessary measures by way of negotiation. But at the same time it must be remembered that the honor of a people cannot be bartered away; it can only be taken away. And if it cannot be bartered away it cannot be restored through barter; it must simply be taken back. That I carried out the measures which were necessary for this purpose without consulting our former enemies in each case, and even without informing them, was due to my conviction that the way in which I chose to act would make it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, for they would have had to accept them in any case. I should like to add here that, at all this has now been accomplished, the so-called period of surprises has come to an end. As a State which is now on an equal juridical footing with all the other States, Germany is more conscious than ever that she has a European task before here, which is to collaborate loyally in getting rid of those problems that are the cause of anxiety to ourselves and also to the other nations. If I may state my views on those general questions that are of actual importance today, the most effective way of doing so will be to refer to the statements that were recently made by Mr. Eden in the British House of Commons. At this point I should like to express my sincere thanks for the opportunity which has been given me by the outspoken and noteworthy declarations made by the British Foreign Secretary. I think I have read those statements carefully and have understood them correctly. Of course, I do not want to get lost among the details, and so I should like to single out the leading points in Mr. In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the time. What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants to pursue a policy of isolation? If this a such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated. During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions. Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions. I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe. The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors. Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity. In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal? I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade. I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr. Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution.
Wir sдhen, wenn wir dieser Gefahr nicht Herr wьrden, im Geiste schon das Gespenst des Hungers, des Elends und einer Millionenzwangsarbeit fьr das deutsche Volk heraufziehen, sдhen den ehrwьrdigsten Erdteil in seinen Grundfesten wanken und unter seinen Trьmmern das geschichtliche Erbe der abendlдndischen Menschheit begraben. Das ist das Problem, vor dem wir stehen. Die europдischen Staaten einschlieЯlich Englands behaupten, stark genug zu sein, einer Bolschewisierung des europдischen Kontinents, sollte sie einmal praktisch gegeben sein, rechtzeitig und wirksam entgegenzutreten. Diese Erklдrung ist kindisch und verdient ьberhaupt keine Widerlegung. Sollte die stдrkste Militдrmacht der Welt nicht in der Lage sein, die Drohung des Bolschewismus zu brechen, wer brдchte dann noch die Kraft dazu auf? Hier antworten stьrmische Rufe aus der im Sportpalast versammelten Menge: «Niemand! Sie wьrden im Bedarfsfall von seinen motorisierten Roboterdivisionen in wenigen Tagen ьberfahren werden. In den Hauptstдdten der mittleren und kleinen europдischen Staaten trцstet man sich mit der Absicht, man mьsse sich gegen die bolschewistische Gefahr seelisch rьsten. Das erinnert verzweifelt an die Erklдrungen der bьrgerlichen Mittelparteien aus dem Jahre 1932, dass der Kampf gegen den Kommunismus nur mit geistigen Waffen ausgefochten und gewonnen werden kцnne. Diese Behauptung war uns auch damals zu albern, als dass wir uns damit auseinandergesetzt hдtten. Der цstliche Bolschewismus ist nicht nur eine terroristische Lehre, sondern auch eine terroristische Praxis. Er verfolgt seine Ziele und Zwecke mit einer infernalischen Grьndlichkeit, unter restloser Ausschцpfung seines inneren Potentials und ohne jede Rьcksichtnahme auf Glьck, Wohlstand und Frieden der von ihm unterjochten Vцlkerschaften. Was wollten England und Amerika tun, wenn der europдische Kontinent im grцbsten Unglьcksfall dem Bolschewismus in die Arme fiele? Will man Europa von London aus vielleicht einreden, dass eine solche Entwicklung an der Kanalgrenze Halt machen wьrde? Ich habe schon einmal darauf hingewiesen, dass der Bolschewismus seine Fremdenlegionen auf dem Boden aller demokratischen Staaten bereits in den kommunistischen Parteien stehen hat. Keiner dieser Staaten kann von sich behaupten, gegen eine innere Bolschewisierung immun zu sein. Eine jьngst vorgenommene Nachwahl zum englischen Unterhaus ergab, dass der unabhдngige, d. Alle territorialen Verpflichtungen, die die Sowjetunion auf sich nimmt, besitzen in unseren Augen keinen effektiven Wert. Der Bolschewismus pflegt seine Grenzen auch ideologisch und nicht nur militдrisch zu ziehen, und darin ist eben seine ьber die Grenzen der Vцlker hinwegspringende Gefahr gegeben. Die Welt hat also nicht die Wahl zwischen einem in seine alte Zersplitterung zurьckfallenden und einem unter der Achsenfьhrung sich neu ordnenden Europa, sondern nur die zwischen einem unter dem militдrischen Schutz der Achse stehenden und einem bolschewistischen Europa. Darьber hinaus bin ich der festen Ьberzeugung, dass die lamentierenden Lords und Erzbischцfe in London ьberhaupt nicht einmal die Absicht haben, der bolschewistischen Gefahr, die bei einem weiteren Vordringen der Sowjetarmeen fьr die europдischen Staaten gegeben wдre, praktisch entgegenzutreten. Das Judentum hat die angelsдchsischen Staaten geistig und politisch schon so tief durchdrungen, dass sie diese Gefahr ьberhaupt nicht mehr sehen und wahr haben wollen. Wie es sich in der Sowjetunion bolschewistisch tarnt, so tarnt es sicii in den angelsдchsischen Staaten plutokratisch-kapitalistisch. Die Methoden der Mimikry sind bei der jьdischen Rasse bekannt. Sie geht seit jeher darauf aus, ihre Gastvцlker einzuschlдfern und damit ihre Abwehrkrдfte gegen von ihr stammende akute und lebensgefдhrdende Bedrohungen zu lдhmen. Zurufe aus der Menge: «Wir haben sie erlebt! Ьber unser Land hinweg reichen sich bereits das westeuropдische scheinzivilisierte Judentum und das Judentum des цstlichen Ghettos die Hдnde. Damit ist Europa in Todesgefahr. Ich schmeichle mir nicht, mit diesen Ausfьhrungen die цffentliche Meinung in den neutralen oder gar in den feindlichen Staaten alarmieren zu kцnnen. Das ist auch nicht ihr Zweck und ihre Absicht. Ich weiЯ, dass die englische Presse morgen mit einem wьtenden Geklдff ьber mich herfallen wird, ich hдtte angesichts unserer Belastung an der Ostfront die ersten Friedensfьhler ausgestreckt. Stьrmisches Gelдchter. Davon kann ьberhaupt keine Rede sein. In Deutschland denkt heute kein Mensch an einen faulen Kompromiss, das ganze Volk denkt nur an einen harten Krieg. Ich beanspruche aber als ein verantwortlicher Sprecher des fьhrenden Landes dieses Kontinents fьr mich das souverдne Recht, eine Gefahr eine Gefahr zu nennen, wenn sie nicht nur unser eigenes Land, sondern unseren ganzen Erdteil bedroht. Als Nationalsozialisten haben wir die Pflicht, Alarm zu schlagen gegen die versuchte Chaotisierung des europдischen Kontinents durch das internationale Judentum, das sich im Bolschewismus eine terroristische Militдrmacht aufgebaut hat, deren Bedrohlichkeit ьberhaupt nicht ьberschдtzt werden kann. Die dritte These, die ich hier nдher erlдutern will, ist die, dass Gefahr unmittelbar im Verzuge ist. Die Lдhmungserscheinungen der westeuropдischen Demokratien gegen ihre tцdlichste Bedrohung sind herzbeklemmend. Das internationale Judentum fцrdert sie mit allen Krдften. Genau so, wie der Widerstand gegen den Kommunismus in unserem Kampf um die Macht in unserem eigenen Lande von den jьdischen Zeitungen kьnstlich eingeschlдfert und nur durch den Nationalsozialismus wieder erweckt wurde, genau so ist das heute bei den anderen Vцlkern der Fall. Das Judentum erweist sich hier wieder einmal als die Inkarnation des Bцsen, als plastischer Dдmon des Verfalls und als Trдger eines internationalen kulturzerstцrerischen Chaos. Man wird, um das hier nur zu erwдhnen, in diesem Zusammenhang auch unsere konsequente Judenpolitik verstehen kцnnen. Wir sehen im Judentum fьr jedes Land eine unmittelbare Gefahr gegeben. Wie andere Vцlker sich gegen diese Gefahr zur Wehr setzen, ist uns gleichgьltig. Wie wir uns aber dagegen zur Wehr setzen, das ist unsere eigene Sache, in die wir keinerlei Einsprьche dulden. Das Judentum stellt eine infektiцse Erscheinung dar, die ansteckend wirkt. Wenn das feindliche Ausland gegen unsere antijьdische Politik scheinheilig Protest einlegt und ьber unsere MaЯnahmen gegen das Judentum heuchlerische Krokodilstrдnen vergieЯt, so kann uns das nicht daran hindern, das Notwendige zu tun. Deutschland jedenfalls hat nicht die Absicht, sich dieser Bedrohung zu beugen, sondern vielmehr die, ihr rechtzeitig und wenn nцtig mit den radikalsten GegenmaЯnahmen entgegenzutreten. Minutenlang hindern nach diesen Sдtzen zustimmende Sprechchцre den Ministeram Weiterreden. Der Krieg der mechanisierten Roboter gegen Deutschland und gegen Europa ist auf seinen Hцhepunkt gestiegen. Das deutsche Volk erfьllt mit seinen Achsenpartnern im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes eine europдische Mission, wenn es dieser unmittelbaren und ernsten Lebensbedrohung mit den Waffen entgegentritt. Wir lassen uns nicht durch das Geschrei des internationalen Judentums in aller Welt in der mutigen und aufrechten Fortfьhrung des gigantischen Kampfes gegen diese Weltpest beirren. Er kann und darf nur mit Sieg enden. Hier ertцnen laute Zwischenrufe: «Deutsche Mдnner, ans Gewehr! Deutsche Frauen, an die Arbeit! Es hatte deshalb nicht nur eine militдrische, sondern auch eine geistige und seelische Bedeutung fьr das deutsche Volk von tiefstgreifender Wirkung. Erst hier sind uns unsere Augen fьr die aus diesem Kriege erwachsende Problematik vollkommen geцffnet worden. Wir wollen jetzt gar nichts mehr von falschen Hoffnungen und Illusionen hцren. Wir wollen den Tatsachen, und wenn sie noch so hart und grausam sind, mutig in die Augen schauen. Denn jedes Mal noch hat es sich in der Geschichte unserer Partei und unseres Staates erwiesen, dass eine erkannte Gefahr bald schon auch eine gebannte Gefahr ist. Im Zeichen dieses heroischen Widerstandes stehen unsere weiteren schwersten Abwehrkдmpfe im Osten. Sie beanspruchen unsere Soldaten und ihre Waffen in einem Umfange, der uns bei allen bisherigen Feldzьgen vollkommen unbekannt gewesen ist. Im Osten tobt ein Krieg ohne Gnade. Der Fьhrer hat ihn richtig charakterisiert, als er erklдrte, es werden aus ihm nicht Sieger und Besiegte, sondern nur noch Ьberlebende und Vernichtete hervorgehen. Das deutsche Volk hat das ganz klar erkannt. Mit seinem gesunden Instinkt hat es sich auf eigene Weise einen Weg durch das Gestrьpp der tagesaktuell bedingten geistigen und seelischen Schwierigkeiten dieses Krieges gebahnt. Wir wissen heute genau, dass der Blitzkrieg des Polen- und Wesfeldzuges fьr den Osten nur noch eine bedingte Gьltigkeit hat. Hier kдmpft die deutsche Nation um ihr alles. Wir sind in diesem Kampf zu der Erkenntnis gekommen, dass das deutsche Volk hier seine heiligsten Gьter, seine Familien, seine Frauen und seine Kinder, die Schцnheit und Unberьhrtheit seiner Landschaft, seine Stдdte und Dцrfer, das zweitausendjдhrige Erbe seiner Kultur und alles, was uns das Leben lebenswert macht, zu verteidigen hat. Fьr diese Schдtze unseres reichen Volkstums hat der Bolschewismus natьrlich nicht das geringste Verstдndnis, und er wьrde auch im Bedarfsfalle darauf nicht die geringste Rьcksicht nehmen. Er tut das ja nicht einmal seinem eigenen Volke gegenьber. Die Sowjetunion hat das bolschewistische Kriegspotential seit 25 Jahren in einem Umfange ausgeschцpft, der fьr uns gдnzlich unvorstellbar war und deshalb von uns auch falsch eingeschдtzt wurde. Das terroristische Judentum hat sich in Russland 200 Millionen Menschen dienstbar gemacht, dabei seine zynischen Methoden und Praktiken mit der stumpfen Zдhigkeit der russischen Rasse vermдhlt, die deshalb eine um so grцЯere Gefahr fьr die europдischen Kulturvцlker darstellt. Im Osten wird ein ganzes Volk zum Kampf gezwungen. Hier werden Mдnner, Frauen, ja Kinder nicht nur in die Rьstungsfabriken, sondern auch in den Krieg getrieben. Die Massen von Panzern, die in diesem Winter unsere цstliche Front berennen, sind das Ergebnis eines 25jдhrigen sozialen Unglьcks und Elends des bolschewistischen Volkes. Dagegen mьssen wir mit entsprechenden GegenmaЯnahmen antreten, wenn wir nicht das Spiel als verloren aufgeben wollen. Ich gebe meiner festen Ьberzeugung Ausdruck, dass wir die bolschewistische Gefahr auf die Dauer nur niederringen kцnnen, wenn wir ihr, wenn auch nicht mit gleichen, so doch mit gleichwertigen Methoden entgegentreten. Die deutsche Nation steht damit vor der ernstesten Frage dieses Krieges, nдmlich der, die Entschlossenheit aufzubringen, alles einzusetzen, um alles, was sie besitzt, zu erhalten, und alles, was sie zum spдteren Leben nцtig hat, dazu zu gewinnen. Der totale Krieg also ist das Gebot der Stunde. Es muss jetzt zu Ende sein mit den bьrgerlichen Zimperlichkeiten, die auch in diesem Schicksalskampf nach dem Grundsatz verfahren wollen: Wasch mir den Pelz, aber mach mich nicht nass! Jeder Satz des Ministers wird von wachsendem Beifall und stдrkster Zustimmung begleitet. Die Gefahr, vor der wir stehen, ist riesengroЯ. RiesengroЯ mьssen deshalb auch die Anstrengungen sein, mit denen wir ihr entgegentreten. Es ist also jetzt die Stunde gekommen, die Glacehandschuhe auszuziehen und die Faust zu bandagieren. Wie ein einziger Schrei erbebt sich ein orkanartiger Beifall. Sprechchцre von den Galerien und Rдngen bestдtigen die volle Zustimmung der Menge. Es geht nicht mehr an, das reiche Kriegspotential nicht nur unseres eigenen Landes, sondern der uns zur Verfьgung stehenden bedeutenden Teile Europas nur flьchtig und an der Oberflдche auszuschцpfen. Es muss ganz zur Ausschцpfung gelangen, und zwar so schnell und so grьndlich, als das organisatorisch und sachlich ьberhaupt nur denkbar ist. Hier wдre eine falsche Rьcksichtnahme vollkommen fehl am Orte. Europas Zukunft hдngt von unserem Kampf im Osten ab. Wir stehen zu seinem Schutze bereit. Das deutsche Volk stellt sein kostbarstes nationales Blut fьr diesen Kampf zur Verfьgung. Der ьbrige Teil Europas sollte hierfьr wenigstens seine Arbeit zur Verfьgung stellen. Es gibt viele ernsthafte Kritiker auch in anderen Lдndern, die diese zwingende Pflicht bereits einsehen. Andere wieder bestreiten sie noch. Das aber kann fьr uns nicht ausschlaggebend sein. Wenn die Gefahr fьr sie allein gegeben wдre, so kцnnte man ihre Auslassungen als literarischen Unsinn bewerten, der keinerlei Bedeutung besitzt. Aber die Gefahr ist fьr uns alle gegeben, und deshalb mьssen wir uns auch alle dagegen zur Wehr setzen. Wer diesen Kampf im ьbrigen Europa heute noch nicht versteht, wird uns morgen auf den Knien danken, dass wir ihn mutig und unbeirrt auf uns genommen haben. Es дrgert uns nicht einmal, wenn unsere Feinde im Ausland behaupten, die MaЯnahmen, die wir jetzt zur Totalisierung des Krieges durchfьhrten, kдmen denen des Bolschewismus ziemlich nahe. Scheinheilig erklдren sie, daraus mьsse man also folgern, dass sich unter diesen Umstдnden der Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus ьberhaupt erьbrige. Es geht hier nicht um die Methode, mit der man den Bolschewismus zu Boden schlдgt sondern um das Ziel, nдmlich um die Beseitigung der Gefahr. Minutenlanger Beifall. Die Frage ist also nicht die, ob die Methoden, die wir anwenden, gut oder schlecht sind, sondern ob sie zum Erfolge fьhren. Jedenfalls sind wir als nationalsozialistische Volksfьhrung jetzt zu allem entschlossen. Wir packen zu, ohne Rьcksicht auf die Einsprьche des einen oder des anderen. Wir wollen nicht mehr im Interesse der Aufrechterhaltung eines hohen, manchmal fast friedensmдЯigen inneren Lebensstandards fьr eine bestimmte Volksschicht das deutsche Kriegspotential schwдchen und damit unsere Kriegfьhrung gefдhrden. Im Gegenteil, wir verzichten freiwillig auf einen bedeutenden Teil dieses Lebensstandards, um das Kriegspotential so schnell und so grьndlich wie mцglich zu erhцhen. Diese Aktion stellt keinen Selbstzweck, sondern nur ein Mittel zum Zweck dar. Umso hцher wird nach dem Siege wieder der soziale Lebensstandard unseres Volkes steigen. Wir brauchen die bolschewistischen Methoden schon deshalb nicht nachzuahmen, weil wir ьber das bessere Menschen- und Fьhrungsmaterial verfьgen und damit einen groЯen Vorsprung besitzen. Aber wir mьssen, wie die Entwicklung zeigt, viel mehr tun, als wir bisher getan haben, um dem Krieg im Osten eine entscheidende Wendung zum Besseren zu geben. Im Ьbrigen herrscht darьber, wie mir aus ungezдhlten Briefen aus der Heimat und Zustimmungskundgebungen von der Front mitgeteilt wird, im ganzen deutschen Volke ьberhaupt nur eine Meinung. Jedermann weiЯ, dass dieser Krieg, wenn wir ihr verlцren, uns aber vernichten wьrde. Und darum ist das Volk mit seiner Fьhrung entschlossen, nunmehr zur radikalsten Selbsthilfe zu greifen. Die breiten arbeitenden Massen unseres Volkes machen der Regierung nicht zum Vorwurf, dass sie zu rьcksichtslos, sondern hцchstens, dass sie zu rьcksichtsvoll vorgeht. Man frage landauf, landab das deutsche Volk; nun wird ьberall nur die eine Antwort erhalten: Das Radikalste ist heute eben radikal, und das Totalste ist heute eben total genug, um den Sieg zu erringen. Darum ist die totale Kriegfьhrung eine Sache des ganzen deutschen Volkes. Niemand kann sich auch nur mit einem Schein von Berechtigung an ihren Forderungen vorbeidrьcken. Als ich in meiner Rede vom 30. Januar von dieser Stelle aus den totalen Krieg proklamierte, schwollen mir aus den um reich versammelten Menschenmassen Orkane der Zustimmung zu. Ich kann also feststellen, dass die Fьhrung sich in ihren MaЯnahmen in vollkommener Ьbereinstimmung mit dem ganzen deutschen Volk in der Heimat und an der Front befindet. Das Volk will alle, auch die schwersten Belastungen auf sich nehmen und ist bereit, jedes Opfer zu bringen, wenn damit dem groЯen Ziel des Sieges gedient wird. Lebhafte Zurufe. Die Voraussetzung dazu aber ist selbstverstдndlich die, dass die Lasten gerecht verteilt werden. Lauteste Zustimmung. Es darf nicht geduldet werden, dass der weitaus grцЯte Teil des Volkes die ganze Bьrde des Krieges trдgt, und ein kleiner passiver Teil sich an den Lasten und an der Verantwortung des Krieges vorbeizudrьcken versucht. Die MaЯnahmen, die wir getroffen haben und noch treffen mьssen, werden deshalb vom Geiste einer nationalsozialistischen Gerechtigkeit erfьllt sein. Wir nehmen keine Rьcksicht auf Stand und Beruf. Arm und Reich und Hoch und Niedrig mьssen in gleicher Weise beansprucht werden.
Иоганн Готфрид Гердер Denn nur die freie Neigung ist Liebe, nur wer sich selber hat, kann sich selber geben. Любовь может быть только добровольной, так как только тот, кто располагает собой, может отдавать себя. Франц Ксавер фон Баадер Для качественного перевода текстов широкой тематики рекомендую обращаться в компанию «Е-Перевод» Я полагаю, что ни одна другая революция в мировой истории не была запланирована и осуществлена с большей предусмотрительностью и благоразумием, чем наша. Речь 20. Революция — это не перманентное состояние; революция — не самоцель. Вырвавшийся на свободу революционный поток должен быть направлен в надежное русло эволюции. Речь 06. Но кардинально изменить само положение вещей может только эволюция! Народ, почитающий бесчестность естественной основой политической деятельности, становится политически беззащитным, чтобы затем быть порабощенным и экономически. Речь 18. Речь 07. Речь 22. Мы верим в то, что своей борьбой мы лишь исполняем волю Создателя, наделившего каждое живое существо инстинктом самосохранения. Да будет жить наш народ! Прокламация 01. Важно только одно — чтобы был наш народ! Речь 28. Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы сделаем самое благое дело в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не всегда справедливы! Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы устраним величайшую несправедливость в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не достаточно нравственны! Но, если наш народ будет спасен, мы возродим истинную нравственность! Речь 19. Речь 01. Я всегда добросовестно старался преобразовать авторитет власти в силу доверия. И теперь я с гордостью могу признать, что подобно тому, как наша национальная социалистическая партия всегда была укоренена в нашем народе, так и теперь мы, уже в качестве правительства, всегда думаем как народ, вместе с народом и о народе! Речь 30. Речь 26. В первую очередь мы думаем о благе нашего народа. Речь 02. И в будущем мы будем жить так, чтобы в глазах каждого немца мы по-прежнему оставались порядочными и честными людьми. Наша власть — только та, которую мы нашли и укрепили в сердцах нашего народа. Речь 13. Речь 04. Призыв на выборы 31. Если ты бросаешь на произвол судьбы одно, тебе придется отказаться и от другого. Такой народ превращается в игрушку для чужеродных сил. Речь 27. Ты силен, когда ты един. Чтобы быть сильным, тебе нужно победить в своем сердце дух классовой вражды и раздора. Как только мы заканчиваем разработку какого-либо закона, я выношу его проект на рассмотрение этих людей и спрашиваю их: «Пожалуйста, что здесь неправильно? При этом они знают, что мне не нужны советчики, умеющие только «поддакивать». Наоборот, мне требуется от них аргументированная критика тех недостатков наших мероприятий, которые способны затруднить их проведение в жизнь. Уж если наш народ в чем и нуждается, то только не в парламентских вождях. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05. Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Это государство переживает сейчас пору своей юности. По прошествии столетий оно достигнет зрелости, и можете быть уверены - ему суждено прожить не одну тысячу лет! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Хотя, лиха беда - начало, можно докатиться и до того, что жизнь какого-нибудь народа перестанет быть его внутренним делом, а окажется в абсолютной зависимости от воли иностранцев и будет полностью определяться внешнеполитической коньюнктурой. Нельзя, однако, сказать, что такое положение является нормальным или желательным. Просто, так может случиться. И тогда самое главное — чтобы этому народу удалось создать предпосылки для изменения такого положения. Именно потому, что мы — националисты, мы уважаем национальные чувства других народов. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24. Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам. Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Не верный путь привел к печальным результатам. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Интервью 05. Самонадеянные попытки примерно «наказать» большой народ путем удаления его с исторической сцены не могут продолжаться вечно, и однажды им непременно будет положен конец. Сколько еще можно всерьез рассчитывать на то, что великая нация будет и далее покорно терпеть подобную несправедливость по отношению к себе? Что значит сиюминутный произвол победителей в сравнении с веками исторического развития? Немецкий народ обязательно вернет себе свое законное место среди европейских народов. Даже - если эти наши права уже были пущены с молотка жалкой кучкой грязных политиков.
О попытках создать систему коллективной безопасности
- "Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus | Carolyn Yeager
- Речь Адольфа Гитлера 26 сентября 1938 г. в Берлинском Дворце спорта.
- Adolf Hitler: Speech at Krupp Factory in Germany (1935) | British Pathé
- Текст и перевод песни Ernst Busch - Alle Waffen gegen Hitler
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